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11.
Clarkson JE Lacy JM Fligner CL Thiersch N Howard J Harruff RC Logan BK 《Journal of forensic sciences》2004,49(5):1101-1105
We reviewed a series of 66 deaths in Washington State between 1995-2000 in which tramadol (Ultram and Ultracet, Ortho-McNeil) was detected in the decedent's blood, in order to assess the role tramadol was determined to have played. Additionally, we reviewed a series of 83 impaired driving cases in which tramadol was detected in order to establish a non-lethal blood tramadol concentration reference range. In both populations, tramadol was consistently found together with other analgesic, muscle relaxant, and CNS depressant drugs. Death was rarely attributable to tramadol alone. However, tramadol may be a significant contributor to lethal intoxication when taken in excess with other drugs, via the potential interaction with serotonergic antidepressant medications, as well as the potential for increased CNS depression. Although the incidence of tramadol detection has increased consistently over the last eight years, there is no evidence of a corresponding increase in the number of cases in which death was attributed solely to tramadol. Blood drug concentrations in many deaths exceeded the therapeutic serum range of 0.28-0.61 mg/L; however, the concentrations overlapped almost completely with the range identified in living subjects arrested for impaired driving. These findings suggest caution in the interpretation of blood tramadol concentrations outside of the recognized therapeutic range. It also suggests that the drug, even when used in moderate excess, is not a principle cause of death in suicidal or accidental deaths. 相似文献
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Max Neiman 《Political science quarterly》2010,125(1):144-145
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Max Paul Friedman 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(4):669-689
The Eisenhower Administration claimed a diplomatic triumph—and a mandate to overthrow the elected government of Guatemala—after the Tenth Inter-American Conference held in Caracas, Venezuela, in March 1954, when 17 nations voted for an American resolution condemning international Communism. This article disputes the official story and some recent scholarly depictions of the conference. Caracas was the scene of intense Latin American opposition to the American agenda. Vote-buying was rampant as Washington made hundreds of millions of dollars worth of concessions to individual countries. Nonetheless, amendments pushed through by Latin American diplomats transformed the interventionist American resolution into a strong statement against intervention. The American “triumph” was actually a fiasco that called into sharp relief the difference between United States and Latin American understandings of the inter-American system, demonstrating Latin American diplomatic resistance to intervention and the limits of diplomacy's potential to constrain the actions of the most powerful American state. 相似文献
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Max Spoor 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(1):175-194
During the past two decades agrarian (‘land and farm’) reforms have been widespread in the transition economies of Eastern Europe, the Caucasus and Central Asia (EECCA), following earlier ones in Asia (China and Vietnam). However, independent family farms did not become the predominant sector in most of Eastern Europe. A new dual (or bi-modal) agrarian structure emerged, consisting of large farm enterprises (with much less social functions than they had before), and very small peasant farms or subsidiary plots. The paper compares five case studies, looking at agrarian actors, property rights, state influence, and rural poverty. These are Russia, Armenia, Moldova and Uzbekistan in the EECCA region, and China's Xinjiang province in Asia. The paper concludes that state influence is still substantial, property rights regimes are quite diverse and rural poverty remains medium to high. State-led agrarian reform, in particular where a redistributive (or restitution-based) land reform was implemented led in some cases to land-based wealth redistribution, but policies and institutions were lacking to support the individual farm sector. More often the outcome was a rapid transfer of land in the hands of corporate farm enterprises, reversing the initial process of ‘re-peasantization’. It seems that the old ‘Soviet dream’ of mega-farm enterprises in the ‘transition to capitalism’ has regained prominence, with huge agro-holdings ‘calling the shots’, providing an insecure future for agricultural workers, peasants and farmers. 相似文献
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Saturnino M. Borras Jr. Jennifer C. Franco Sergio Gómez Cristóbal Kay Max Spoor 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(3-4):845-872
Land grabbing has gained momentum in Latin America and the Caribbean during the past decade. The phenomenon has taken different forms and character as compared to processes that occur in other regions of the world, especially Africa. It puts into question some of the assumptions in the emerging literature on land grabbing, suggesting these are too food-centered/too food crisis-centered, too land-centred, too centred on new global food regime players – China, South Korea, Gulf States and India – and too centred on Africa. There are four key mechanisms through which land grabbing in Latin American and the Caribbean has been carried out: food security initiatives, energy/fuel security ventures, other climate change mitigation strategies, and recent demands for resources from newer hubs of global capital. The hallmark of land grabbing in the region is its intra-regional character: the key investors are (Trans-)Latin American companies, often in alliance with international capital and the central state. Initial evidence suggests that recent land investments have consolidated the earlier trend away from (re)distributive land policies in most countries in the region, and are likely to result in widespread reconcentration of land and capital. 相似文献
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