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A rising number of public and nongovernmental organisation (NGO) leaders are employing the arts in efforts aimed at encouraging social change. Meanwhile, scholars have offered a number of theories concerning the character of political agency and its exercise, and contended that effective use of the arts may result in individual and group epistemic change. Far fewer analysts, however, have married such theorisations of aesthetics with empirical investigations of how professionals actually use the arts to promote such shifts. This article addresses this concern by studying the strategies adopted by two international nongovernmental organisations (INGOs), American Voices and Bond Street Theatre, that have worked to encourage peace through music and theatre-making in light of changing conceptions of agency and the power of aesthetics to stimulate its exercise. We outline the approaches these NGOs adopt to do so and the mechanisms by which their leaders believe their work catalyses changes in values at the individual and community levels. We argue that understanding these dynamics more thoroughly and in light of conceptions of agency and aesthetics leads to a stronger theorisation of whether and how arts-based peacebuilding efforts can lead to sustainable community cultural change. 相似文献
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Max Travers 《Asian Journal of Criminology》2013,8(2):115-128
This paper contrasts the assumptions and methods used by quantitative criminologists with the approach to comparison pursued by the interpretive tradition in sociology. Whereas quantitative studies tend to conceal distinctive legislative or institutional responses in particular countries, interpretive studies make it possible to address internal debates about policy issues, as well as how practitioners exercise professional judgement. The paper considers a variety of ways in which the interpretive traditions of symbolic interactionism and ethnomethodology have approached comparison. It also considers the conceptual and practical issues that might arise in conducting a qualitative comparative study about juvenile justice within East Asia focusing on Japan, South Korea and Taiwan. Whereas quantitative studies tend to ask questions that interest Western researchers, interpretivism makes possible a dialogue between countries that have different institutions, philosophies and cultures. 相似文献
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Nils W. Metternich Cassy Dorff Max Gallop Simon Weschle Michael D. Ward 《American journal of political science》2013,57(4):892-911
In this article, we combine a game‐theoretic treatment of public goods provision in networks with a statistical network analysis to show that fragmented opposition network structures lead to an increase in conflictual actions. Current literature concentrates on the dyadic relationship between the government and potential challengers. We shift the focus toward exploring how network structures affect the strategic behavior of political actors. We derive and examine testable hypotheses and use latent space analysis to infer actors’ positions vis‐à‐vis each other in the network. Network structure is examined and used to test our hypotheses with data on conflicts in Thailand from 2001 to 2010. We show the influential role of network structure in generating conflictual behavior. 相似文献
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In a recent issue of The Political Quarterly, Richards and Smith critiqued Flinders’ work on anti‐politics, suggesting that there needs to be much more focus on supply‐side explanations and recognising that much of the problem lies with politicians, contra Flinders. Here, we argue instead that it is crucial to recognise how supply‐side and demand side explanations interact. For us, politicians need to be more responsive to citizens, but, at the same time, citizens need to recognise problems of contemporary governing. Overall, much is changing in the way in which citizens engage and it is crucial that these changes are understood. 相似文献
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Max Leitner 《Juristische Bl?tter》2011,133(7):428-436
Nach der in dieser Zeitschrift jüngst vorgetragenen These P. Bydlinskis ist eine AGB-Klausel, der mit Hilfe der Auslegung
gem § 914 ABGB ein eindeutiger Inhalt beigelegt werden kann, zumindest tendenziell nicht "unklar oder unverst?ndlich" iSd
§ 6 Abs 3 KSchG. Dem sei im Folgenden widersprochen. Dabei soll die Gelegenheit genützt werden, gegen eine verbreitete – oft
auch nur latent vorhandene – Auffassung aufzutreten, die im Transparenzgebot einen unangemessenen Eingriff in die Grunds?tze
privatautonomer Rechtsgestaltung zu sehen glaubt. Im Weiteren wird dargelegt, dass das wohlverstandene Transparenzgebot mit
dem klassischen Verst?ndnis von Privatautonomie und subjektiver Richtigkeitsgew?hr nicht in Widerspruch steht, sondern sich
vielmehr friktionsfrei in dessen Konzept einfügt. 相似文献