中国大一统的历史密码破译——基于政治经济制度的阐释

中国 “大一统”国家形态的形成源于治理水患与抵御外敌所需要的国家管理能力，而其维持则需要适应性的政治经济制度设计以维持中央政权的全面掌控能力。在农业社会，国家的控制能力取决于有效的组织体系与稳定的土地税收。为此，中国历代政权经过长期调整形成了以科举制为选拔机制的核心政治密码及建立有效土地制度和税收制度的经济密码。科举制能够更多地促进社会阶层的有序流动，延缓了侵占国家权力与土地税收的大地主的崛起，而土地制度虽然为适应人口及生产状况最终走向了私有制为主的道路，但在科举制确立以后的土地兼并再未形成影响国家行政能力的门阀地主阶层，从而有效地维持了国家的统一。因此，有序社会流动与土地税收制度设计正是保持历史上中国大一统的核心政治、经济密码。     

习近平新时代家风建设重要论述的逻辑生成、科学内涵与实践价值

习近平新时代家风建设重要论述具有严密的内在逻辑和深刻的哲学意蕴.它是马克思主义家庭建设思想的继承与创新,是中国传统家国同构思想的积淀与突破,是全面建成小康社会实践的回应与凝结.习近平新时代家风建设重要论述是习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的有机组成部分,它将理论与实践相统一、历史与现实相结合、中国与世界相联系,系统深刻地回答了"什么是家风建设、为什么要进行家风建设、怎么进行家风建设"等基本问题.准确把握习近平新时代家风建设重要论述的科学内涵,从中国特色社会主义经济、政治、文化、社会、生态文明建设五大方面着眼,积极探索新时代大力推进家风建设发展的实践价值,具有重要的理论意义和实践意义.     

Collective Resistance under Authoritarianism: Elite–Mass Strategies in an Experimental Game

We create a collective resistance game in which elites control the distribution of resources if the masses are compliant. However, if the masses unanimously protest elite allocations, they can capture a greater share of resources for themselves. We study how Chinese villagers, randomly assigned to the role of elites and masses, play this game in repeated interactions under varying information conditions. We find significant variation in the extent to which participants gave weight in their decisions to (1) the amount of the elite allocation and (2) their beliefs about the likely choices of fellow group members. Many individuals made their decisions based primarily on the size of the elite allocation, choosing to protest if the elite offer fell below some threshold level. Only a small proportion of the respondents were attuned consistently to the behavioral intentions of fellow group members in deciding whether to protest the elite allocation. This heterogeneity of preferences among participants has significant implications for their prospects of achieving and sustaining collective action. Knowledge of the amount of resources controlled by elites at the start of the game affected mass calculations of the fairness of distributions and increased the frequency of mass protests. However, the elites exploited the decision rule of many mass members by buying off those individuals with the lowest thresholds, thus preempting or dissolving collective action. This research sheds light on elite–mass interactions under authoritarianism, and in particular on contentious politics in contemporary China.     

从民族生态的特点看移民式扶贫开发——以广西环江的跨县异地安置为例

环江自1993起的十年时间内,以异地安置方式先后接收了近6万大石山区贫困人口。经过多年发展,移民们已较好地融入了环江当地的生产生活,从搬出来,到稳下来,正奔着“富”起来的目标踏实前行着。分析上述事件有诸多视角,本文意欲从现实民族生态的特点出发作一番尝试性思考。     

China's New Neighboring Diplomacy

China＇s new thinking about neighboring diplomacy in Asia since the end of Cold War can be analyzed theoretically from angle of international institutions. China utilizes institutionalism with great flexibility in four sub-regions-Central Asia, Northeast Asia, Southeast Asia and South Asia, where institutional models-dominant participation, deep participation, active participation and moderate participation models have been adopted. In the four sub-regions in Asia, China has handled the presence of U.S interests well and responded reasonably to the United States＇ Asian diplomacy. China and the United States have therefore achieved a compatible coexistence in Asia. Compatibility and coexistence between China and the United States in Asia are the fundamental reasons that China has made progress in this new stage, and are the essence of the new thinking in China＇s neighboring diplomacy.     

智利经济-社会转型的特点和经验

智利经济-社会转型的特点是由国家资本主义向市场资本主义转变;转型模式随着改革的深入逐渐形成和完善;发挥比较优势,促进出口增长;在市场经济的框架内建立社会保障体系;威权政府为转型开辟了道路,转型又反过来促进了政治民主化.经济-社会转型的经验是审时度势,顺应时代潮流;起用专家治国,灵活调整政策;在稳定和增长的前提下,兼顾公平,追求和谐发展;社会保障体系的建立是经济-社会转型成功的基础和关键.     

中国社会科学院首届大使论坛:"巴西的大国地位与大国战略"召开

2005年8月18日,由中国社会科学院国际合作局和拉美所主办、拉美所国际关系室承办的中国社会科学院首届大使论坛“巴西的大国地位与大国战略”在中国社会科学院亚太所会议室举行。巴西驻中国大使路易斯·奥古斯托·德卡斯特罗·内维斯作了“巴西———发展中大国及其国际战略”的主题演讲。来自外交部、中联部、国际问题研究所、现代国际关系研究院、荷兰莱顿大学,中国社科院国际合作局、世界经济与政治研究所、美国所、日本所和拉美所等单位的领导、专家和学者,以及人民日报、新华社、中国国际广播电等新闻单位的中外代表60多人参加了会议。…     

Doing more among institutional boundaries: Platform-enabled government in China

The concept of Government as a Platform (GaaP) has recently encountered setbacks in practice worldwide. While existing literature on inter-governmental collaboration has emphasized organizational restructuring and data sharing, this study argues that a pragmatic way to improve administrative efficiency in the absence of formal institutional change is to adopt an alternative model to GaaP: platform-enabled government. Enabled by innovations of the middle-tier platform, this new model of platform governance integrates the functions of distributed systems of multiple departments into a sequential workflow without the requirement of institutional reform or sharing proprietary data. To demonstrate how this model facilitates information flow across institutional boundaries and improves collaborative governance, we analyze horizontal, vertical, and public-private collaboration using a diverse case study design. We examine administrative review, law enforcement, and contact tracing during the pandemic in the context of China. Our findings suggest accommodating institutional boundaries is a practical and effective approach to advance the digital government agenda in decentralized contexts.     

促进社会文明建设:政府公共管理的价值诉求与目标导向

社会文明是以社会为本位的文明进化状态,是通过社会建设达到社会和谐所取得的文明进步的成果。加强社会文明建设,有助于推进社会和谐、维护社会公平、引导社会自治,对政府公共管理意义重大。政府只有形成物质文明、精神文明、政治文明、生态文明和社会文明共同促进的整体战略架构,更加关注社会建设,在职能定位和转变上更加倾斜于社会建设,加强体制创新,完善社会保障体系,推进社会管理与社会治理,使社会文明建设惠及民生,才能成为人民满意的服务型政府。     

农民增收新机制探析

提高农民收入,应以政府为主导,组合若干农村经济区域,改革区域内乡镇职能,引进大型企业特别是农业龙头企生,通过构建农民、农民专业合作组织、地方政府、龙头企业等主体之间的关系,共同为农村经济发展、农民增收服务.