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71.
Fabrizio Di Mascio Davide Galli Alessandro Natalini Edoardo Ongaro Francesco Stolfi 《Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis》2017,19(2):119-138
AbstractThis article analyses the attempts to reform public administration, notably personnel management, in Italy between 1992 and 2014, with a focus on implementation and the period following the multiple crises that have unfolded since 2008. By untangling the policy learning processes between multiple crises, past reform attempts and domestic and European “contexts in motion”, the article finds that efficiency-oriented reforms have floundered regardless of the political color of governments or indeed of the nature – political or technocratic – of the governments. Domestic factors, notably the frequency of government alternation, i.e. government instability, and European pressure have further reinforced the orientation towards single-loop lessons, i.e. the almost exclusive effecting of short-term cost-cutting measures. 相似文献
72.
Anna Di Lellio 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2009,22(3):373-384
In 1989, as the countries of the Soviet bloc took a turn toward democracy and Europe, Yugoslavia and Serbia plunged into a
bloody war and moved in the opposite direction. This article argues that the legacy of that era is still strongly felt in
postwar and post-Milosevic Serbia. Now, like then, the choice is not simply for or against Europe. By holding on to the nationalism
of the Kosovo myth, which territorializes both the Serbian ethnos and the opposition between Christianity and Islam, Serbia
is tracing a tortuous path toward democratization and European integration. In the contemporary context, the Kosovo myth impedes
Serbia’s recognition of Kosovo as an independent state; it continues to fuel the rhetoric of fractious elites that never cease
to tap its capacity for rallying the public; and it provides room for “pro-European” leaders to negotiate EU integration,
straddling the fence between Europe’s Atlantic propensities and the resurgent power of Russia. This nationalist myth thus
plays a normative and an instrumental role, both domestically and internationally. Outside Serbia, it also engages with a
narrow and “thick” notion of Europe, which gained traction within Europe itself in the post-9/11 climate of heightened fear
of Islam, where cultural identity trumps the values of liberal democracy. 相似文献
73.
Giovanni Di Bartolomeo Marco Di Pietro Enrico Saltari Willi Semmler 《Public Choice》2018,177(3-4):287-299
Policymakers are stuck in time. Political short-termism, policy myopia, policy short-sightedness, and similar words have been coined to emphasize the present-centric policy thinking. Politics tends to produce short time horizons, and as a result, policymakers often fail to use present opportunities to mitigate future harms. Focusing on fiscal and monetary strategic interactions, given different separate decision makers, our paper aims to explore the effects of policymakers’ time horizons on debt stabilization. To formalize our ideas, we use the novel concept of Nonlinear-model-predictive-control Feedback Nash Equilibrium (NFNE) and find that present-centric policy thinking and decision horizons matters under several dimensions. 相似文献
74.
Marco Di Giulio 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2016,39(3):226-237
For almost four decades, the reform of the state has been a recurrent and relevant topic for social sciences. Has the s.c. positive state been replaced by a regulatory state, or have hybrid configurations emerged? Based on a comparative analysis of German and Italian railway policies, this article aims to contribute to the literature on regulation, considering the possibility of policy mixes in which elements of the positive and the regulatory state are interrelated. Such hybridization is the result of multiple-actor policy arenas, where regulatory tools are used to restructure state’s direct intervention rather than to bring about its retreat. 相似文献
75.
Duell Natasha Steinberg Laurence Icenogle Grace Chein Jason Chaudhary Nandita Di Giunta Laura Dodge Kenneth A. Fanti Kostas A. Lansford Jennifer E. Oburu Paul Pastorelli Concetta Skinner Ann T. Sorbring Emma Tapanya Sombat Tirado Liliana Maria Uribe Alampay Liane Peña Al-Hassan Suha M. Takash Hanan M. S. Bacchini Dario Chang Lei 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2019,48(4):835-836
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - In the original publication, the legends for Figs 4 and 5 were incorrect, such that each regression line was mislabeled with the incorrect country. Below are the... 相似文献
76.
77.
科学发展观丰富了发展的理论.是对可持续发展理论的高度概括和极大发展,是当代人对未来社会发展的一种前瞻性思考和科学判断.科学发展观坚持以人为本为核心的全面、协调、可持续发展,特别强调提高发展的质量.科技创新是实现科学发展的有效途径.发展中国家和欠发展国家只有树立了科学发展的理念,才能摆脱现实困境、从战略意义上真正缩小与发达国家的差距,从本质上实现经济社会的全面进步. 相似文献
78.
面对充满不确定性的世界。个体通常通过一种被称为归因的心理机制从不完全的信息中解释他人做出某种行为的原因。类似但更为特殊的心理机制也会发生在当一个国家的决策者需要理解另一个国家的行为以采取某种应对之策的时候。当外交决策者们在试图解释他国的行为时,他们会将哪些变量纳入他们的考虑范畴?他们对他国行为进行归因的方式是否会因情境的不同而有所变化?如果确实有所变化,那么他们在归因时将会存在哪些倾向和偏见?外交决策者通常从能力、决心、利益、意图和该国所处的战略环境五个维度来认知另一个国家行为的原因。而恐惧和族群中心主义均会作用于这五个维度,并且在不同的情境下,两者在各维度的作用方式有所差异。为了验证唐世平提出的行为归因理论,作者采用了一种特殊的内容分析技术——逐字解释文本分析——对1945-1947年间的美国外交档案进行了分析和编码,试图利用二战结束至冷战开始这段时间内美国的主要决策者对苏联行为所进行的数以百计的归因,并对上述归因理论进行经验上的探索。验证结果表明,描述性的证据分析部分支持了这一新的归因理论,但也挑战了这一理论中关于能力、决心和环境维度的部分推断。 相似文献
79.
牟笛 《贵州警官职业学院学报》2007,19(4):72-75
由于美国法典28卷1404(a)条款的立法规定在功能与措辞上均非常类似普通法上的非方便法院原则,因此很多学者误以为该立法规定与非方便法院原则之间并不存在实质性的差异。然而,这一看法并不正确。事实上,1404(a)条款立法在法律效果、证明标准以及具体适用方面均与非方便法院原则存在显著的区别。 相似文献
80.
staff reporter TANG SHUBIAO 《今日中国(英文版)》2012,(10):14-17
China is undergoing the fastest development in history–one that has invigorated the country and changed the world. China therefore stands out in the international community.Many people wonder what the secret of this astonishing development is. But if you were to ask a thousand people what they thought, you would get a thousand and one 相似文献