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31.
Trevor Shelley 《Society》2018,55(5):467-470
Review of Aurelian Craiutu’s work, Faces of Moderation: The Art of Balance in an Age of Extremes (2017). 相似文献
32.
Trevor Johnston 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2017,52(3):301-326
Throughout the Arabian Gulf, the immigration law known as the kafala formally delegates to firms and other “sponsors” control over migrants’ mobility, housing, and general welfare. These states have abdicated almost any responsibility over migrants, giving firms nearly unchecked power over their workers’ daily lives. In this paper, I consider the welfare implications of this system and explore the conditions under which migrants can extract concessions from firms. Drawing on a nationally representative survey from Qatar, I show that migrant satisfaction, workplace difficulties, and overall quality of life varies widely across camps and firms. In explaining this variation, I argue that welfare crucially depends on an individual’s bargaining power. Migrants with a contract or credible exit options hold greater bargaining power, which strongly associates with improved perceptions of welfare. All told, contracts and exit options appear to provide even the most vulnerable workers a means of protection within authoritarian states. 相似文献
33.
Trevor Brown 《Public administration review》2007,67(3):559-572
Treating all respondents to citizen satisfaction surveys as "customers" risks misinterpreting the findings and misguiding managerial decision making. Citizen evaluations of the quality of public services are likely to vary based on whether citizens have a direct or indirect relationship to the service. Furthermore, citizens are likely to rate services differently based on whether they consume the services as a result of coercion or choice, although the quality of the interaction shapes the impact of the type of interaction. Based on a series of empirical analyses, this paper demonstrates that recipients who have superior-quality interactions with providers are likely to report high ratings for elective services, whereas citizens who have poor-quality interactions are likely to report low ratings for coercive services. In this way, the quality of the interaction influences citizens' predispositions to rate services high or low based on whether they consume the service by choice or coercion. 相似文献
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Trevor Campbell 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(4):241-247
The purpose of this article is to look at the impact of foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows on economic growth in Barbados in the long and short run from 1979 to 2008 with the use of the Engle-Granger two-step procedure. The study shows that in the long run, a 1 percent increase in FDI inflows will expand economic growth by 0.10 percent while in the short run, the relationship between FDI and economic growth will be positive but almost flat. These results imply that any policy by Government aimed at boosting economic growth using FDI inflows will have to be considered for the long run since Government could not rely on FDI inflows in the short run. 相似文献
36.
This article examines the institutionalisation of the Ukrainian Parliament, the Verkhovna Rada, since the fall of the Soviet Union. The emergence of a popularly elected legislature in post‐Soviet Ukraine stands as a cornerstone in the development of a democratic regime. While the Verkhovna Rada is by no means a mature parliament, the foundation for future institutionalisation has been laid through the establishment of a representative political process, nascent political parties, a separation of powers between the executive and the legislature, and the policy‐making capacity of the Parliament. 相似文献
37.
David Weisburd David P. Farrington Charlotte Gill With Mimi Ajzenstadt Trevor Bennett Kate Bowers Michael S. Caudy Katy Holloway Shane Johnson Friedrich Lösel Jacqueline Mallender Amanda Perry Liansheng Larry Tang Faye Taxman Cody Telep Rory Tierney Maria M. Ttofi Carolyn Watson David B. Wilson and Alese Wooditch 《犯罪学与公共政策》2017,16(2):415-449
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This article examines the contribution of scholarly work on ‘policy transfer’ and related concepts to our knowledge of how far, and in what ways, particular policy ‘models’ of security and justice travel across national boundaries, and what might explain this phenomenon. The article begins by summarizing the key findings of extant empirical studies of cross‐national policy movement in the fields of crime, security, and justice. It then considers the normative dimension to debates about policy transfer, observing that much of the literature adopts a pessimistic position about the problematic nature of international policy movement in security and justice, and discusses some of the reasons for such pessimism. The article then reflects on ways in which normative principles could be applied to considerations of prospective policy transfer, and the implications for the broader possibilities for ‘progressive’ policy transfer in relation to crime, security, and justice. 相似文献
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