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251.
Murillo Maria Victoria Ronconi Lucas 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2004,39(1):77-98
In a context of increasing teachers’ militancy in Argentina, this article provides the first empirical analysis of teachers’
strikes in all twenty-four Argentine provinces during the 1990s. Using a cross-provincial statistical analysis, it explains
the wide variation across provinces and across time of Argentine teachers’ strikes. It demonstrates that political alignments
between provincial governors and teachers’ unions explain these patterns better than organizational and institutional variables,
which strongly shape public-sector labor relations in other countries. We emphasize the discretion of provincial governors,
for both the application of labor regulations and budgetary appropriations in the politicization of provincial public-sector
labor relations in Argentina, especially after the decentralization of education resulted in the provincialization of teachers’
protests.
Maria Victoria Murillo is associate professor of political science and international affairs at Columbia University. She was
previously an assistant professor at Yale University, a Peggy Rockefeller Fellow at the David Rockefeller Center for Latin
American Studies, and a Fellow at Harvard Academy for International and Area Studies. She is the author ofLabor Unions, Partisan Coalitions, and Market Reforms in Latin America (Cambridge University Press 2001) and various articles on the politics of market reforms, labor protest, and privatization
of public utilities in Latin America.
the authors acknowledge the useful suggestions of the editor and three anonymous reviewers, and the comments of Ernesto Calvo,
Javier Corrales, Tulia Faletti, Miriam Golden, Frances Rosenbluth, Andrew Schrank, Kenneth Scheve, J. Samuel Valenzuela, James
Vreeland; and the participants in the Seminar on Globalization and Labor Struggle at Columbia University, the Latin American
Seminar of the David Rockefeller Center for Latin American Studies at Harvard University, the seventh annual meeting of LACEA,
and the Business School seminar at Universidad Torcuato Di Tella. M. V. Murillo acknowledges the support of the Yale Center
for International and Area Studies and the Carnegie Program for the Study of Globalization, and L. Ronconi acknowledges the
support of the CEDI at the Universidad de San Andrés. 相似文献
252.
Victoria Carpenter 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2005,24(4):496-512
The shooting of a student demonstration in La Plaza de las Tres Culturas in the Tlatelolco district of Mexico City on 2 October 1968 has been the subject of many literary works, among which the Tlatelolco poetry addresses not only the event itself but also the aftermath of the massacre. Both approaches examine the relationship between the 'yo'/'nosotros' and 'ellos' constructs, focusing on the 'nosotros' construct as the result of this interaction. The following analysis of this process is based on the theory of self and Other, especially René Girard's theory of the mimetics of violence and the process of scapegoating as a basis for the relationship between the individual and society within the context of a violent conflict. 相似文献
253.
This article uses human trafficking in Belgium to test a newly developed framework for assessing the harms of crime that has been applied previously to cocaine trafficking in the same country. We chose this criminal activity because of its policy relevance and to address apparent needs for systematic, evidence-based analysis. The framework uses quantitative and qualitative evidence to assess harms to individuals, private-sector entities, and others and to establish crime control priorities. The assessment process models the activity, evaluates the severity and incidence of harms, ranks priorities, and considers causality. We highlight three findings. First, trafficking victims can experience catastrophic harms, but the overall dimensions of human trafficking in Belgium appear to be modest. Second, the evidence suggests significant recent declines in the degree of exploitation and use of violence. Third, most harms to individual victims result directly from the activity, which sets it apart from other forms of trafficking. 相似文献
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257.
Victoria?M.?EssesEmail author Scott?Veenvliet Gordon?Hodson Ljiljana?Mihic 《Social Justice Research》2008,21(1):4-25
Three studies were conducted to test the role of the dehumanization of refugees (through claims that they are immoral) in
determining emotional reactions to refugees, attitudes toward refugees, and attitudes toward current refugee policy in Canada.
We also examined determinants of such perceptions. In Studies 1 and 2, correlational analyses and structural equation modeling
were utilized. In both studies, it was demonstrated that individuals who are higher in social dominance orientation are especially
likely to dehumanize refugees, and this dehumanization leads to greater contempt and lack of admiration for refugees, resulting
in less favorable attitudes toward the group and toward the nation’s current refugee policy. Study 3 was an experiment in
which we examined the effects of information presented about refugees on emotions and attitudes. Results demonstrated that
dehumanizing media depictions of refugees as violating appropriate procedures and trying to cheat the system cause greater contempt and lack of admiration for refugees in general, which in turn lead to less favorable attitudes toward the
group and less support for the current refugee policy. Results are discussed in terms of the functions that dehumanization
may serve, and potential strategies for counteracting such effects.
Preparation of this article was supported by a Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada grant to the first
author. Portions of this research were presented at the 2005 EAESP Small Group Meeting on Social Justice and Intergroup Conflict,
Lisbon, Portugal, and at the 2005 Meeting of the European Association of Experimental Social Psychology, Wurzburg, Germany 相似文献
258.
Parental responsibility laws, varying greatly within and among the states, appeared as one answer to the questions surrounding juvenile crime. Although these laws would seem to garner great public support under the new punitive attitude toward juveniles, no recent empirical studies were conducted on this topic. The current research examined public support of parental responsibility for crimes children commit. Contrary to expectations, public support was found to be relatively low. The public did place some responsibility on the parents when a juvenile crime occurred; however, agreement with blaming and punishing the parents was low. Political ideology and educational status served as possible predictors of support. Overall, however, demographic variables proved not predictive in determining who would support these measures. 相似文献
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