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51.
本文通过阐述编辑行业所具有的特殊性,希望编辑劳动所创造的社会经济价值得到具体的肯定和应有的承认。毕竟,漠视编辑劳动的现象,已经濒临危及编辑队伍稳定的边缘。  相似文献   
52.
目的:观察滋阴潜阳法对二肾一夹肾性高血压模型大鼠(2K1C—RHR)的治疗作用及神经免疫调节,从神经免疫调节角度探讨滋阴潜阳法的作用机制。方法:复制2K1C—RHR模型,用滋阴潜阳中药治疗5周后,用放射免疫法测定血管紧张素Ⅱ(AngⅡ)、神经肽(NPY)、神经降压素(NT)及白细胞介素(IL4)含量。结果:滋阴潜阳法明显降低模型大鼠血中AngⅡ、NPY、IL-4含量,而升高NT含量。结论:滋阴潜阳法能明显调节肾性高血压大鼠AngⅡ、NPY、IL-4、NT含量,其神经免疫调节可能是其发挥治疗作用的机制之一。  相似文献   
53.
Micro‐Raman spectroscopy was applied to forensic identification of pigments in paint chips and provided differentiation between paint samples. Sixty‐six blue automotive paint samples, 26 solid and 40 metallic were examined. It was found that the majority of the collected Raman spectra provided information about the pigments present. However, in some cases, fluorescence precluded pigment identification. Using laser excitation at longer wavelengths or pretreatment to effect photobleaching often resulted in reduced fluorescence, particularly for solid color samples, and allowed pigment identification. The examined samples were compared pairwise taking into account number, location, and intensity of absorption bands in their infrared spectra. The estimated discrimination power ranged from 97% for solid paint samples to 99% for metallic paint samples.  相似文献   
54.
职务犯罪低龄化现象日趋严重,面对这一现象,学者们习惯于从宏观视角分析其原因及预防措施,而对低龄职务犯罪心理甚少关注。文章在对低龄职务犯罪的概念、特点、危害进行分析后,更加深入地探讨了低龄职务犯罪的几种典型心理,并进一步将整个低龄职务犯罪心理的形成过程动态化,从而尝试性地提出了关于低龄职务犯罪心理预防的几点建议。  相似文献   
55.
Zi Zhongyun 《当代中国》1997,6(16):531-550
Sino‐US relations over the last 100 years have been heavily affected by the ideological and cultural traditions of both sides; but the impact of ideas on each other has by no means been an even interaction. At the turn of the century when China and the US encountered each other, their destinies took opposite trajectories. While the US saw its dream of national greatness fulfilled with the continuous rise of its national power, China witnessed the sharp downfall from the peak of its self‐perception as the great central kingdom. Ever since then, all progressive intellectuals and reformers took inspiration from western ideas of democracy and freedom, while struggling at the same time against oppression and exploitation by western powers. These two aspects constitute the basic aspirations of the Chinese nation as a whole, which was summed up as ‘anti‐feudalism and anti‐imperialism’. One of the basic urges of Americans of all sorts in dealing with China throughout the years was to influence, educate and change China to its like. However, in front of Chinese revolutionary movments with democratic rights as part of their aims, the US government policies more than often favored the conservative or reactionary rulers. Meanwhile, the development of China takes its own course beyond the control of the US. Yet, under different circumstances, neither side could help placing hopes on the other. As for rulers of different Chinese adminstrations, they wavered between seeking American support in China's economic development and diplomacy on the one hand, and fear and resentment of American cultural influence on the other. Anti‐communism entered the US foreign policy thinking ever since the Russian Revolution. But US relations with the Chinese Communist Party have not been hostile all the way through but have undergone twists and turns. The period of best relationship between the US and the PRC took place in the 1980s and underwent a sharp turn after the events of 1989. Leaving aside other factors, the age‐long cultural paradigm of unrealistic hopes on each other, hence drastic disappointment, played a certain role. At present, The mentality of the bulk of Chinese including young students have also undergone a great change from the pre‐1989 period. The admiration for the US has receded and a certain degree of resentment of American pressure on China is on the rise. The pursuit of a strong and prosperous China remains the common and deep‐rooted national aspiration prevailing among Chinese of all ages and social strata and in this they identify themselves more with the government vs. foreign pressure, whatever their views on other subjects. The ideological aspect of difficulties in Sino‐US relations is not likely to go away in the foreseeable future and much wisdom is needed to handle it properly.  相似文献   
56.
借鉴人类政治文明的有益成果是必要的 ,但同时也是有条件的。这个条件 ,就是要维护中国主权的尊严和坚持社会主义制度 ,借鉴的目的是为了更好地推进中国特色的社会主义 ,而绝不是要在借鉴中失去自己的特色和本质。借鉴的主要内容包括 :借鉴“天赋人权”和“主权在民”的政治思想 ,有利于领导干部正确行使手中之权 ;借鉴“权力制衡”的原则 ,有效地防止权力的滥用等。实践证明通过借鉴 ,有选择地对西方发达国家某些先进、科学的形式与做法进行学习 ,将有利于克服我国现行政治体制中的弊端 ,推进社会主义民主建设的步伐  相似文献   
57.
我国现阶段的两审终审制度,虽然具有减少当事人诉累,节约审判资源的特点.但是,随着市场经济发展和案件类型与数量的剧增,两审终审制度的适时性、合理性已经逐渐地丧失,它在实际运作中已显得弊端丛生,我国民事诉讼的审级由两审终审走向多元化审级制度已成为时代的需要.  相似文献   
58.
《中华人民共和国担保法》、《中华人民共和国物权法》二者都是调整担保法律关系的基础性法律规范,但是二者诞生的社会经济背景不同,在二者并行的局面下,其冲突将是不可避免的。为了防止因此给具体实施带来不便,有必要理清二者的冲突所在,这对于全面贯彻《物权法》178条规定的"担保法与本法不一致的,适用本法"的精神是十分重要的。  相似文献   
59.
资中筠 《美国研究》2005,19(2):7-21
美国43位总统的就职演说,从头读去,二百多年的美国历史发展轨迹就逐步浮现出来。其中既可以看出贯穿始终的、作为美国立国的原则和精神,也可以看出每一个阶段的变化。不变的是宪法至高无上的地位和基本社会制度,在此框架内,内政外交逐步演变。在每个历史转折点,总统个人作用有多大?总的说来,应该是“时势造英雄”。美国的制度决定了个人的权力和作用有限。不过开国元勋们个人取向可以对国家奠基产生较大的影响,华盛顿尤其如此。如果说,美国独立和美利坚合众国的成立是历史的必然,应该说,有华盛顿这样的开国元勋是美国人的幸运。从方今的小布什回头看华盛顿,美国已经走得很远了。  相似文献   
60.
正The 2012 Tibetan New Year has just passed, and it has been already half a year since the Dalai Lama clique’s new head took office. This ambitious young man gave a speech on March 10, saying that blessed by the historic transfer of political power, appointed by the people, supported by Tibetans living in  相似文献   
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