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41.
我国法院目前适用简易程序审理的案件,实际上已经包含了国外第一审程序所有的三种类型案件,即普通程序、简易程序和小额诉讼程序。三种诉讼标的数额差别很大的案件适用同一种程序,与国际上公认的按照案件的类型设置民事纷争的处理程序的原理发生了明显的冲突。笔者认为,此次《民事诉讼法》修改,首先应将目前按照简易程序审理的案件按照一定的数额标准一分为三;其次,在基层法院要专门设立简易诉讼法庭、小额诉讼法庭,以防止不同类型案件审理上的混同;最后,简易、小额诉讼程序的设置要有助于人们接近司法,有助于法治社会的形成。  相似文献   
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职业女性诞生之初就遭遇到家庭角色与社会角色冲突的挑战。尽管知识经济时代两性在体力上的差异对职业选择和发展的影响越来越小,职业女性的规模与影响力都在持续上升,但由女性双重角色冲突而导致的工作与生活平衡困难并未明显减弱,不仅阻碍职业女性的高层发展道路,甚至束缚了年轻女性的职业选择。本文提出从领导力发展的视角探索职业女性工作与生活的平衡策略,从个人层面和组织层面两个角度分析了如何借助领导力效应帮助职业女性走出角色冲突困境、建构工作与生活的平衡机制,同时享受生活的快乐与工作的成就。  相似文献   
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目的 探讨氢质子磁共振波谱(1H-magnetic resonance spectroscopy,1H-MRS)检测技术在尺神经损伤预后评估的应用前景.方法 对12例健康青年志愿者、1例尺神经完全损伤者双手第1骨间背侧肌的代谢物进行1H-MRS检测,对采集到的数据进行统计分析. 结果 健康女性成年人第1骨间背侧肌的细胞外脂质(extra-myocellular lipids,EMCL)峰下面积高于男性(P<0.05),胆碱、肌酸、细胞内脂质(intra-myocellular lipids,IMCL)在两性间差异均无统计学意义(P>0.05),双手间各峰下面积差异均无统计学意义(P>0.05).尺神经损伤者患侧EMCL峰较健侧偏高,且FDI面积缩小.结论 1H-MRS对肌肉代谢物的无创性以及定量检测对周围神经损伤的预后评估具有一定价值.  相似文献   
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Asia Europe Journal - The EU-China relationship is driven by two distinct underlying logics: a power-based one and a transformational one. The power-based logic is premised on a belief that because...  相似文献   
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线粒体是真核细胞中特殊的细胞器,主要功能是进行氧化磷酸化合成细胞活动所需的能量,机体所摄入的氧气绝大部分都在线粒体中被消耗。机械性窒息的精准诊断是法医病理学实践中的难点之一,法医病理学工作者一直致力于寻找一种可靠、敏感的标志物用于机械性窒息的确诊。线粒体对于缺氧环境极为敏感,其损伤标志物或可作为诊断机械性窒息的依据。本文旨在综述缺氧环境下线粒体损伤的研究进展,并探索将线粒体损伤标志物用于法医病理学实践的可能性。  相似文献   
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We create a collective resistance game in which elites control the distribution of resources if the masses are compliant. However, if the masses unanimously protest elite allocations, they can capture a greater share of resources for themselves. We study how Chinese villagers, randomly assigned to the role of elites and masses, play this game in repeated interactions under varying information conditions. We find significant variation in the extent to which participants gave weight in their decisions to (1) the amount of the elite allocation and (2) their beliefs about the likely choices of fellow group members. Many individuals made their decisions based primarily on the size of the elite allocation, choosing to protest if the elite offer fell below some threshold level. Only a small proportion of the respondents were attuned consistently to the behavioral intentions of fellow group members in deciding whether to protest the elite allocation. This heterogeneity of preferences among participants has significant implications for their prospects of achieving and sustaining collective action. Knowledge of the amount of resources controlled by elites at the start of the game affected mass calculations of the fairness of distributions and increased the frequency of mass protests. However, the elites exploited the decision rule of many mass members by buying off those individuals with the lowest thresholds, thus preempting or dissolving collective action. This research sheds light on elite–mass interactions under authoritarianism, and in particular on contentious politics in contemporary China.  相似文献   
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As China is entering into the center stage of the world arena, it has become more proactive in regional and global institution-building. Globally, it has been actively involved in the G20 affairs and will be hosting the 2016 G20 Summit in Hangzhou. Regionally, it came up with a major initiative for a new institution, namely, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). This article aims to analyze the new institution's formation, goals and institutional arrangements as well as its implications.  相似文献   
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We examine the effect of democracy as an institutional context on individuals’ perceptions of government corruption. To do so, we compile an integrated dataset from the Asian, Afro, and Latino Barometer Surveys and use a hierarchical linear regression model. Our primary finding is that the effect of democracy has different effects on ordinary citizens’ perceptions of corruption in different contexts. In general, people in countries with higher levels of democracy tend to perceive their governments to be more corrupt. However, more importantly, conditional models show that in countries with more developed democratic institutions, individuals with stronger democratic values are less likely to perceive the government to be corrupt. Moreover, people in such countries are less likely to assess their government based on their perceptions of economic situation.  相似文献   
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