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111.
以美国为首的西方国家始终没有放松对所谓"不听话"和"非民主国家"的改造战略,普京领导的俄罗斯无疑是其最想改造的重要目标。美西方对俄改造的手法主要有:不断加大对俄反对派的资金和技术支持;对俄境内反政府活动煽风点火,推波助澜,等等。普京深知西方对俄罗斯的险恶用心,要求相关部门对全球发生的"颜色革命"进行深入研究,在立法上,推出系列法律法规,阻击"颜色革命";在行动上,主动出击,反制西方颠覆活动,以及在社会领域、政权建设等方面均采取了一系列措施加以防范和应对,收到了良好的效果。  相似文献   
112.
This paper examines the micro-foundations of the second-order elections model of European Parliament (EP) elections. We extend the existing literature in several ways. First, we propose an individual-level model of voting behaviour in second-order elections. Second, we present the first study using experimental methods to test the predictions of the second-order model, allowing us to test the individual-level propositions about vote choice in a controlled environment. Importantly, we also examine the conditioning effect of information on the ‘second-order’ nature of voting behaviour in EP elections. Our findings show that while voters base their EP vote choices primarily on domestic preferences, those who are given additional information about the European integration dimension are also more likely to vote on this basis.  相似文献   
113.
针对公私合伙制度(PPPs)下之契约,探究其系公法契约或是私法契约,具有实际意义。英国、德国及美国在公私合伙制度下之发展进程,值得关注;特别是英国成功发展的PPPs,建构"公法下之政府契约"及"私法下之政府契约"之模式足资赞许;德国针对PPPs下之投资契约,是否适合置入于行政程序法下之行政性契约,相关立法沿革,值得注意与效法;而美国行政任务私有化后,行政机关对外购买服务,公权力充分与私部门分享,而未建构监督与契约治理机制,堪致忧虑,特别是契约外包之下,相关法律不禁止境外转包,则服务之质量与法律正当性受到质疑。  相似文献   
114.
The chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation, R. Khasbulatov, answers questions from the periodical Narodnyi deputat. The journal's chief editor, M. Piskotin, and journalist Iu. Zviagin participated in the discussion.  相似文献   
115.
This article attempts to explore the post-Cold War international system in which regional orders intermingle their influence. It pays special attention to regional conflicts in East Asia in the new era and what roles global powers could play to maintain regional stability. I will first examine the characteristics of the new global order after the end of the bipolarity. I will then focus on American foreign policy in the new international system in the context of its dealing with major global events that have strategic implications for its relations with other major global powers. As to discussions of regional orders, this article focuses on East Asia, where conflicts between states have not evaporated despite the relaxation of the global Cold War confrontation. What makes this area special is the involvements of many great powers and less-powerful nations that could somehow easily manipulate the seniors into the conflicts to their favour. While the regional order in East Asia is being shaped by the post- Cold War international order, the regions peace and conflicts will in turn significantly influence global order. Finally, I will argue that dealing with problems in East Asia should acquire involvements of powers that would give necessary momentum to the existing participants to solve conflicts by the means of multilateralism. The European Union (EU) is often forgotten for its role in contributing to world order, and the EU should be taken seriously by the powers in East Asia as a possible player in maintaining the regional peace. I conclude that both global and regional security depend on continuing US unipolarity, strengthened by the co-operation of the EU in the form of multilateralism. By the same token, US unilateralism without a EU counter-balancing it, only invites potential challengers, such as China, to threaten the USs preponderant position, thereby destabilising world peace.This article was supported by a research project (NSC-P3-2414-H-004-018) of the National Science Council, Taiwan, which is gratefully acknowledged.  相似文献   
116.
Raj Verma 《中东政策》2023,30(1):83-97
The US withdrawal that left the Taliban in control of Afghanistan has created a security dilemma for China. Beijing considers its Uyghur population to be a terror threat, and it believes the Taliban are allowing the group to use Afghanistan as a refuge from which to plan attacks and transit into Central Asian neighbors. This article analyzes both the historical record and recent moves by China to explain Beijing's strategy of engaging with the Taliban and developing the Afghan economy. The study indicates that the approach has some potential benefits if, as the Chinese assume, economic growth yields stability, good governance, and a cohesive state that can combat terror groups. However, the article demonstrates that Afghan history, the Taliban's ideology, and the vicious circle of instability, economic stagnation, and further chaos are likely to subvert China's goals.  相似文献   
117.
118.
生物技术对人类社会的进步既有巨大推动作用,也有巨大的潜在风险,这种现象被称为生物技术的“两用性”。自九一一事件后,美国政府开始对生物技术“两用性”概念进行话语操弄,形成了一套独特的安全叙事,也推动了美国生物技术政策的演变。从小布什政府到拜登政府,在“两用性”安全叙事下的生物技术具有了多重的安全效应,并逐渐形成了生物技术政策领域防御性与竞争性的两种目标。从理论逻辑上看,此种防御性目标与竞争性目标之间存在着明显的矛盾,这揭示了在当前大国竞争的背景下,美国霸权逻辑已经开始侵蚀正常的决策理性。从实践上看,为了维护霸权,美国的生物技术政策已经逐步超越其生物防御战略,企图采取科研“脱钩”和加强军事化投资的方式来打压竞争对手,以此维持美国的生物技术领导地位。新兴生物技术的发展功在全球化、利在全人类。美国霸权逻辑下的政策行为是违背科研发展规律的,必将遭到客观现实的严厉“回击”,这对美国自身的生物技术发展和全球的生物安全都将带来严重的负面影响。  相似文献   
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120.
The ideal of evidence-based policy making (EBPM) may be hindered by delayed policy response to disclosed evidence. This article adopts Allison's three-lens decision-making framework to highlight technical, organizational, and political causes of delayed policy responses to apparent evidence. The study uses China's birth control policy as a case to examine the lag of policy adjustments. Although ample supply of evidence suggested earlier relaxation of China's one-child policy, major adjustments only happened after 2013 and failed to achieve significant results. The study indicates that a politics-informed EBPM approach may better position the role of evidence in policy processes by taking into consideration the unavoidable influences of institutions and politics.  相似文献   
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