Reviews and commentatry

CIAs inspector general — the DCI's independent eye: another view

Misplaced loyalties: the Pollards and “friends”

Wolf Blitzer: Territory of Lies: The Exclusive Story of Jonathan Jay Pollard: The American Who Spied on His Country for Israel and How He Was Betrayed. Harper & Row, New York, 1989, 336 p., $22.50.

Counterintelligence: hazards and goofs

Ronald Kessler: Spy vs. Spy: Stalking Soviet Spies in America Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1988, 308 p., $19.95.

The Lincoln assassination and the confederate secret service

William A. Tidwell, with James O. Hall and David Winfred Gaddy: Come Retribution: The Confederate Secret Service and the Assassination of Lincoln University Press of Mississippi, Jackson, Miss., 510 p., HB $38.50, PB $17.95.

A brief tour of American intelligence

Bruce D. Berkowitz and Allan E. Goodman: Strategic Intelligence for American National Security Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1989, 232 p., $19.95.

Les miserables in modern dress

Peter Maas: Manhunt: The Incredible Pursuit of a CIA Agent Turned Terrorist Random House, New York, 196, 301 p., $18.75.

Yale at war

Robin W. Winks: Cloak & Gown: Scholars in the Secret War, 1939–1961 William Morrow, New York, 1987, 322 p., $22.95.     

Understanding Havel?

The presented article tries to make sense of Václav Havel, a man of many qualities and professions yet not a professional in the conventional sense of the word. The aim is to offer deeper insight into diverse cognitive elements which formed Havel's political reasoning and attitudes. The idea is to provide an alternative interpretation and get beyond the customary explanations expressed through traditional IR language seeing Havel as a dissident idealist who was pushed by some realist impulses to clearly define real political and later also geopolitical stands. In doing so, the article is divided into three parts. The first part discusses conceptual frameworks (rather than a single framework) within which Have saw and understood the political world. The middle part examines Havel's political agenda, namely the issues of the return to Europe, the German question, and relationships with Russia, the United States and toward multilateral institutions. The final part that utilizes primary data obtained through personal interviews with many Havel's close collaborators presents two faces of Václav Havel: the dramatist and the ideologue.     

Reclaiming Scholarly Authority: Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi's Critique of Jihadi Practices

This article deals with the attempts by the radical Islamist ideologue Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi to reclaim scholarly authority over jihad, a phenomenon he has helped promote but that has led to excesses he disagrees with and has increasingly become the prerogative of fighters instead of scholars. These attempts by al-Maqdisi to reassert his own jihadi authority are expressed through criticism of certain jihadi practices and advice to jihad fighters. Because al-Maqdisi has been in the forefront of radical scholars calling for jihad, his criticism has been dismissed by some jihadis as revisionism of his earlier views and as the words of a man lacking any fighting experience himself. This article argues that al-Maqdisi's criticism of certain jihadi practices does not constitute revisionism of his earlier views but is an effort to take greater scholarly control of the jihadi trend that he has partly inspired but which—in the hands of militants—has also developed beyond what he sees as useful and even Islamically legitimate.     

The US–Russian security ‘reset’: implications for Central-Eastern Europe and Germany

Abstract

The article examines the reactions of selected European states to the US-performed ‘reset’ in relations with Russia and explores the ways in which they have been adapting to the new set-up. The article is divided into three parts: after the discussion of the substantive continuity and limited change in US foreign and security policy (USFSP), the multilateral and bilateral dimensions of USFSP procedure are examined through John Ruggie's theoretical observations. The second part of the article deals with implications of the USFSP for Central-Eastern European countries. This part begins with a discussion of Russian attempts to wheedle Europe into embracing its plans for new European security architecture. The next section sheds light on the unexpected process of strategic realignment of the region (USA/NATO/EU/CSDP) and simultaneous transformation of the special relationship with the USA into ‘normal life’. The third part of the article tackles the implications of heightened US–Russian bilateralism for Germany. Authors' findings, many of them based on conducted elite interviews, suggest the contrary process, namely Germany's strengthened multilateral commitment to the EU and specifically to European Security and Defence Policy, limiting the bilateral option to energy trade with Russia. What follows are concluding remarks.     

Atlantic capitalism versus Rhine capitalism in the European community

The advent of the Single European Market in 1993 has prompted a debate about the differences between the German social market economy and the British liberal market, and whether these can coexist. ‘Rhine Capitalism’ based on social solidarity will remain a source of competitive advantage through its emphasis on continuous development of labour skills and technology. Britain's ‘Atlantic Capitalism’ lacks such a framework for dialogue between government and producer interests, which will make the creation of a national competitiveness strategy to counter deindustrialisation problematic. At the European Community level, some regulatory framework similar to Germany's Ordnungspolitik will probably emerge to underpin the operation of the Single Market.     

TPP的政治化与中国崛起

尽管跨太平洋伙伴关系协议（TPP）是太平洋国家间的一项着力于经济事务的议题,但它自然地具有一定的政治向度。美国参加TPP后掌握其主导权,逐渐使之显现出了政治化的趋势,成为配合美国近期战略调整的工具。这对中国在东亚的政治和安全地位带来消极的影响,甚至有可能挤压中国在东亚乃至亚太的正当利益和正常战略空间。虽然存在政治化的需求,但在政治向度上的进一步深化使TPP面临着许多困难。尽管中国是否参与尚在未定之天,但中国在现阶段对TPP应积极关注、冷静应对、适当作为。     

Mission impossible in Cyprus? Legitimate return to the partnership state revisited

Cyprus has been divided for far longer than it has been united. There have been many attempts to reconcile conflicting parties but without remarkable success. The two communities – Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots – see the solution to the “Cyprus problem” in opposite terms. Although recent public opinion surveys have concluded that the most preferred option for the Turkish Cypriots would be “independence of the TRNC” and “reunification of the country”, for the Greek Cypriots, there is much less information about the legitimacy of these competing regimes and their respective claims. This paper seeks to fill this gap by identifying different legitimacy sources and their effect on the course of conflict settlement. Somewhat paradoxically it appears that those most strongly identifying themselves with the Republic of Cyprus, and approving the regime legitimacy of the Greek Cypriot government, are actually for status quo and not for the reunification of the country which makes the return to the partnership state mission impossible.     

Cooperating Estonians and “exiting” Lithuanians: trust in times of crisis

This article argues that substantial differences in political legitimacy can help explain why Estonia dealt with the recent economic crisis more successfully than Lithuania. In 2009, when the crisis hit hardest, Lithuania saw its budget deficit expand substantially, while Estonia managed to keep the deficit under 3% of GDP and consequently was invited to join the Eurozone, to which it acceded in 2011. The experience of these countries presents an interesting puzzle, as the divergent fiscal performance cannot be attributed to purely economic factors. Both countries have a similar economic structure, and both were similarly affected by the crisis. Furthermore, both pursued similar expenditure and tax policies during the crisis. Based on quantitative and qualitative evidence, it is argued that higher tax compliance and subsequently higher tax revenues can explain the difference. In turn, this compliance gap can be attributed to different levels of trust in political institutions in Estonia and Lithuania.     

试论“满铁”的情报工作

"满铁"调查部是日本在日俄战争后设立的经济情报机构,其情报工作具有经济调查与军事行动相结合、公开搜集与秘密获取相结合、谋略活动与情报搜集相结合的特点。它在存续的40年间,在中国进行了大量的调查活动,成为日本情报工作的一个重要组成部分。它较早认识到经济情报和公开情报研究的作用,积极为日本的侵略扩张政策服务,对战后日本形成官民协调的情报体制也有重要影响。     

中国执政党认同的概念、功能及构建途径探析

政党认同是政党政治的一般现象和普遍要求。由于政党制度的根本区别,中国的执政党认同和西方国家的政党认同在概念和功能上都存在着一定的差异。在中国语境下,本质上作为一种情感因素的执政党认同直接关系到中国共产党执政的合法性和有效性,因而在根本上影响到执政党的前途命运和现代国家建设的成败。因此,执政党必须通过利益满足、程序构建、价值共识、人格和政治道德塑造等途径或措施来扩大公众的认同。