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41.
东盟和日本作为东亚地区体系的重要参与者,二者关系的发展与变化影响东亚未来的安全走向。冷战后,日本和东盟都奉行"综合安全"的观念,安全目标的重叠构成二者合作的基本条件。然而二者因原动力即各自利益追求不同而导致追求安全的目标以及路径也有所区隔。认知差别、权力结构和规范因素构成了限制二者合作的三个主要变量。在不同程度上三个方面的问题与二者获得综合安全的路径相互影响。而二者在多边安全合作对话平台中的摩擦与分歧恰可作为安全合作挑战的注脚。 相似文献
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AbstractAs early as Edgar Snow's pioneering Red Star over China (1937), Yan'an was seen as the “defining moment” of the Chinese Communists' rise to power. Beginning in 1935, Mao Zedong set his personal imprint on the party as he successfully guided it from the disaster of the Long March to the “Congress of Victors” in 1945. This set the stage for the final showdown with Chiang Kai-shek and the hapless Nationalists in the civil war of 1946-49. With the victory of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in 1949, the experiences of Yan'an became the blueprint for the reconstruction of China along the lines first laid out in that remote and impoverished town in the northeast. 相似文献
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The conventional wisdom on Western European politics leads us to believe that all the “action” lies with parties, because the unified parliamentary delegations in Western Europe draw voters' attention to parties' policies and images. Though British elections take place under a single member district plurality system, British parties, like their continental counterparts, are highly centralised and feature disciplined parliamentary delegations. Despite the strong ties between British candidates and their parties, we demonstrate that perceptions of candidates' personal attributes can be used to predict general election outcomes. Using a computer-based survey where subjects are asked to evaluate real British candidates using only rapidly determined first impressions of facial images, we successfully predict outcomes from the 2010 general election. Moreover, we find that perceptions of candidates' relative attractiveness are particularly useful for predicting outcomes in marginal constituencies. 相似文献
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Richard E. Feinberg 《The Review of International Organizations》2006,1(1):69-94
The periodic Summits of the Americas are the highest form of regional multilateralism in the Western Hemisphere, but summits
lack their own means to implement their mandates. Hence, Summit Plans of Action assign many initiatives to existing regional
institutions, especially the Organization of American States (OAS) and the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB). But a notable
difference exists in the character and degree to which these two institutions have responded to their unfunded mandates, in
that the OAS has become “nested” under the hierarchy of summitry, while the IDB has eschewed subordination in favor of a “parallel”
relationship pursuing largely convergent activities. Relying on extensive interviews and reviews of open source and internal
documents, six variables are found to explain this differential response: ministerial authorities, competing mandates, institutional
missions, internal structures, membership and leadership. Yet for both regional institutions there remains a wide gap between
the directives emanating from the Summits and what the two regional institutions have been—and could be—accomplishing. The
study concludes with recommendations to improve institutional design.
JEL codes L31 · F42 · F02 · D73 · F1 相似文献
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The article analyses the process of EU enlargement with reference to the progress that Bulgaria and Romania have made within it. It is argued that leaving them out of the wave of accession finalised in May 2004 for ten of the candidate states, has placed them in a situation of double exclusion. Firstly, their geographical belonging to the region of Southeast Europe has been rendered non-essential by their advanced position within the EU enlargement process. Secondly, their achievement in economic and political transition has been removed from the progress of the ten states, which joined the EU in May 2004 by delaying the time of their accession. As a result, any efforts in regional cooperation and integration between Bulgaria and Romania on one hand, and other Southeast European states on the other, have been effectively cancelled. Moreover, in current European politics, the two countries have come to serve the unenviable role of exemplifying on the part of the European Union how progress is being awarded and hesitation punished. 相似文献
50.
Shiming Song 《Frontiers of Law in China》2007,2(4):563-585
The classification system for Chinese Civil Servants is one of the most basic systematic devices in the Civil Service Law
of China. The aim of designing such a system is to solve the hard issue of extreme narrow channels for career development
of civil servants. The legislative thoughts of such a system include: orientation of post classification, absorbing reasonable
elements of the rank classification system, aiming at optimizing the management and taking incentive safeguard as a main line,
and its basic contents include: classification of the positions into general administration category, professional and technical
category, administrative law enforcement category, judges and procuratorate category; diversification of position arrangement;
clarification of the contents and functions of different ranks; and standardizing the mapping relationships between ranks
and positions. 相似文献