中资企业海外资本运作的现状、市场反应及其战略分析

本文对中美企业海外资本运作的交易方式、交易金额、交易时间、交易估值倍数、行业分布及地区分布等方面进行了对比,详细分析了中资企业海外资本运作的现状。随后运用事件分析法分析了市场对中资上市公司海外资本运作的反应,并对计算结果进行了稳健性检验。最后结合计算结果,对中资企业海外资本运作的战略进行了分析。     

国内政治与东盟一体化进程

自东盟成立至今,尽管一体化有所进展,但步履艰难。其原因之一是成员国内部复杂的政治环境。脆弱的国内政治生态及敏感复杂的国内政治问题导致东盟成员国在主观上不愿建立一种以让渡主权为特征的超国家权力机构,客观上不能提供一体化进程所需要的强有力的核心推动力量,致使东盟内部分化加剧;统治集团的私利、不成熟的民主制度所导致的政治动荡都让东盟一体化进程面临重重障碍。     

中国获取全球石油资源的战略选择

大国获得海外石油权益的基本目标是希望能够顺利进入、分享石油资源,理想目标则是能够逐步稳定、扩大既有的石油开采权益。大国分享石油资源的关键在于能否有效降低竞争对手(包括先进入国家和其他后进入国家)的抵制,争取资源拥有国的支持。从中国能源外交的实践来看,有限分流是成功分享海外石油权益最为重要的战略,而有效化解竞争对手干扰的主要策略包括限制收益和借助矛盾。在实现基本目标后,大国若想稳定甚至扩大既有的石油开发权益,关键因素则在于提高本国对于油气资源区域的影响力。对中国来说,提高对油气资源区域国家影响力的主要途径包括保持良好的政治经济关系和提高开发效率,而很少通过向资源拥有方提供安全保护来拓展海外石油利益,这主要源于中国目前的实力特征和整体对外战略取向。     

气相色谱/质谱检验毒鼠强

用气相色谱/质谱联用方法分析毒鼠强,并在具体案件中检验毒鼠强.     

桃红四物汤对产后血瘀证大鼠Rho/ROCK通路RhoA、p-RhoA及PAI-1蛋白表达的影响

目的 探讨桃红四物汤治疗产后血瘀证的作用机制。方法 采用米非司酮（8.3 mg/kg）和米索前列醇（0.1 mg/kg）灌胃早孕鼠,复制血瘀证产后大鼠模型,将模型复制成功的大鼠随机分为模型组、阳性对照组（法舒地尔,10 mg/kg）及桃红四物汤组（9.0 g/kg）,并设立正常对照组;通过观察大鼠子宫形态及血液流变学指标变化评价桃红四物汤治疗产后血瘀证的疗效,采用免疫印迹法测定ras同源基因A（ras homolog gene, member A, RhoA）、磷酸化RhoA（phospho-RhoA,p-RhoA）蛋白及纤溶酶原激活剂抑制物（plasminogen activator inhibitor-1,PAI-1）的表达水平。结果 桃红四物汤能够明显减轻模型大鼠子宫的炎性反应及红细胞的渗出和聚集,降低全血黏度和血浆黏度（P<0.05,或P<0.01）,下调p-RhoA及PAI-1蛋白的表达水平（P＜0.01）。结论 桃红四物汤治疗产后血瘀证的机制与下调Rho/ROCK通路相关蛋白的表达水平有关。     

The role of the TUC in significant industrial disputes: an historical critical overview

ABSTRACT

Historically the British Trades Union Congress’s (TUC) role in a significant number of major industrial disputes has been subject to both accusations of ‘betrayals’ and ‘sell-outs’ as well as more sympathetic accounts which emphasise the constraints faced by the TUC both in terms of their institutional role and their relationship with constituent unions. Drawing on evidence concerning the role of the TUC in significant disputes including the 1926 General Strike, the strike wave of 1972, 1975–8 Grunwick dispute, the 1978/9 ‘winter of discontent’, the 1984/5 miners’ strike, the 1986–7 News International strike and more recent examples, the paper highlights four constraints on the role of the TUC in relation to major disputes: their political loyalty to the Labour Party; an aversion to defying the law; the avoidance of appearing to challenge state power; and structural constraints to an extent inherent within trade union officialdom.     

‘Greatpowerness’ as the key element of Russian self-consciousness under erosion

The article analyzes changes in attitudes to and interpretations of Russian ‘greatpowerness’ (velikoderzhavnost') between the years of 2000 and 2014, that is to say during President Putin's period of rule. The concept of Russia as the great power was changing during this time in two respects: first, there was an increasing reticence of self-assessments; second, we observe prioritization of protecting the country's own, mostly regional, interests as opposed to expansion which would be characteristic of a great power. Moreover, this period clearly demonstrates contradictions and dangers, engendered in the process of losing self-perception as that of the great power. The readiness of Russian political elite to part bit by bit with the status of the great power and to go to the status of a regional power is combined (as the events around Ukraine have shown) with unwillingness to sustain the new status of the country with the help of the capabilities of a soft power. Lack of these, as well as of the skills in their use, and finally, a desire to raise the rating of trust in the government with the help of “a small victorious war” have formed the basis for the aggressive upsurge towards Ukraine. In the absence of serious hard and soft capabilities, the splashes of aggressiveness in Russian foreign policy and of anti-Western sentiments in domestic political life are unlikely to have any lasting effect. They are able, however, to generate extremely negative long-term consequences for the country.     

Sanctions under the EU Generalised System of Preferences and foreign policy: coherence by accident?

This article investigates the relationship between the European Union's withdrawal of trade benefits for developing countries under the Generalised System of Preferences (GSP) and its sanctions under the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). Our expectation is that GSP withdrawals and CFSP sanctions will not cohere. However, our research reveals that GSP suspension has been coherent with CFSP sanctions when the latter exist prior to the decision-making process on GSP sanctions and when the International Labour Organisation has set up a Commission of Inquiry condemning the country, as with Myanmar/Burma and Belarus. The presence of separate institutional frameworks explains the GSP suspension towards Sri Lanka in the absence of CFSP sanctions.     

Health and human security: a wrinkle in time or a new paradigm?

Since it was first advanced in the 1994 Human development report of the United Nations Development Programme [United Nations Development Project. (1994). Human development report. New York: UN], the concept of ‘human security’ has evolved as a holistic development-oriented acuity [Nef, J. (1999). Human security and mutual vulnerability: The global political economy of development and underdevelopment (2nd ed.). Ottawa: International Development Research Centre]. The human security concept reinforces the right to health, drawing on both the role of states and the global community's commitment to human rights. Yet, health and human security, long the purview of state power and responsibility, increasingly include alliances of state and non-state actors. This paper proceeds in three parts. The first looks at health and human security linkages, charting the trajectory of the health and human security relationship. The second deals with policy and operational implications. It explores the health–human security link, paying particular attention to the allocation of responsibility and accountability, including through private–public partnerships and rising powers such as China. The third provides a theoretical and technical analysis of the status of health and human security since 1994, taking into account its evolution vis-à-vis human rights’ development and development more broadly, also asking whether it represents but a wrinkle in time or a new sustainable development paradigm.     

Governmental Accounting Maturity Toward IPSASs and the Approximation to National Accounts in the European Union

International Public Sector Accounting Standards (IPSASs) are a good reference for a harmonized microaccounting system allowing more transparency and quality in public sector accounting across EU member-States. However, questions remain concerning IPSASs contribution to the convergence between Governmental Accounting (GA) and the National Accounts (NA). This article assess how the proximity to an IPSAS-based accounting system in GA has impact on the diversity and materiality of GA-NA budgetary deficit/surplus adjustments, hence analyzing whether IPSASs might contribute to GA-NA reconciliation. Main findings show that IPSASs do not make considerable difference in terms of GA-NA adjustments, so IPSASs-based EPSASs will hardly contribute to approaching GA-NA.