Strategic Risks and Japanese Right Wing Must Not Be Underestimated

the majority of the people from the Asia Pacific, especially those from China, South Korea and North Korea that were badly hurt by Japanese militarism, have been filled with Prime Minister Shinzo Abe visited righteous indignation when Japanese the Yasukuni Shrine on December 26, 2013 and with the resurgence of the Japanese Right Wing. However, many of these people do not take these developments seriously. They see Abe as someone with few supporters and Japan＇s Right Wing as having little power. Further, Japan＇s military might is now much weaker than the ＂militarist era＂ before the Second World War. Thus, they do not think that Abe and the Right Wing can do much harm today. They underestimate the risk that their actions pose to Asia-Pacific peace. They are not correct and this thinking can also be dangerous. They lack a deeper understanding of Japan＇s special political and social structure, their historical, cultural and strategic traditions, as well as their unique national disposition--such as lower levels effecting a fait accompli, daring to take risks, a tendency to attack and cruel belligerence.     

China-Japan Relations： How China Needs to Change Mindset and Strategy

In 2005, then Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi＇s visits to the Yasukuni Shrine--where Japanese war criminals are honored--threw the Sino-Japan relationship into unprecedented crises. Since then, ties have been troubled and it can be said that relations with Japan are China＇s top foreign affairs issue, particularly after two fierce confrontations over the Diaoyu Islands in September 2010 and September 2012. Most recently, relations have been hurt by the current Japanese Prime Minister, Shinzo Abe＇s flagrant visit to the Yasukuni Shrine. The situation looks bleak with Abe＇s stubborn efforts to deny history, radically adjust the nation＇s constitution and military confrontations with China. The Japanese right wing is gaining power and Japanese public opinion is shifting ever more to the right.     

从自民党看日本独特的派阀政治文化*

虽然日本在战败投降后接受了美式改造,但仍保留了浓厚的传统文化,包括忠诚的集团文化、纵向社会结构等,并由此形成了独特的派阀政治文化。自民党能够相对稳定地长期执政,派阀起着关键的作用。派阀的消长是衡量自民党内部权力以及权力再分配的重要指标。派阀之间的纵横捭阖造成了各派“轮流坐庄”。现在自民党虽然下野,但自民党派阀不会消失,日本的派阀政治文化依然在日本政治中发挥着独特的作用。     

How Can Sino-Japan Ties Be Improved？

There have been tensions between China and Japan since September 2012. These have spiraled so that now the relationship is one of the most dangerous and uncertain in the Asia-Pacific region. This enduring conflict between the world＇s second and third largest economies will negatively impact the regional and the global economies. In the first half of 2014, Japanese investment into China fell 47% while bilateral trade slipped 5% on a year earlier. Between 2001 and 2006, Junichiro Koizumi, then Japanese Prime Minister, kept up visits to the Yasukuni Shrine, throwing the China-Japan relationship into an unprecedented political crisis. Ties were characterized by being cold politically, but hot economically.     

An Economic Analysis of Sino-Japanese Relations

The strong inter-dependence of the economies of China and Japan is the platform on which their relations can be improved. However, along with globalization, China＇s economy has become more integrated with the global economy, which has meant that economically speaking it is now less dependent on Japan. Meanwhile, Japan＇s economy has grown more dependent on China＇s. It is clear, then, that the economic relationship has moved through some structural changes.     

Why Is the Abe Government so Anxious to Improve Relations with China？-Why Is Shinzo Abe so Eager to Improve Relations with China？

Editor＇s Note： Sino-Japanese relations have been tense in recent years. In Jparticular, since Abe came to power, Japan has not only been ＂desperately struggling＂ with China on territorial and historical issues, but has also tried to set up an ＂encircling network＂ against China. Thus Sino-Japanese relations have emerged as the most risky bilateral relations in the Asia-Pacific region. As the two largest powers in East Asia, and the world＇s second and third largest economies, the continuing confrontation between China and Japan will have huge negative repercussions on regional and global peace. With the approaching of the APEC meeting, however, the Abe government has repeatedly expressed its hopes for diplomatic dialogue with China. The Abe government＇s shift in attitude towards China from ＂hard＂ to a new ＂moderate＂ position has attracted wide international attention. We cannot help but ask：     

浅析安倍内阁的东南亚安全外交

第二次安倍内阁上台后对东南亚地区开展了积极的安全外交,从外交观念和外交行动上对日本与东南亚的安全外交进行了重构,并以海洋安全和中国威胁为抓手,使双方的安全合作更为广泛和深入。这种安全外交政策的推行与日本国内加快重整军备步伐息息相关,同时也受到美国、中国以及东南亚国家等外部因素的影响。在这一安全外交的影响下,日本的防卫力量将得以增强,但东亚地区的安全困境有加剧之虞。因此,中国应积极应对,确保周边局势与地区安全秩序的稳定。     

日本女性文学的中国百年译介史

1918年,周作人将日本女性主义者、著名诗人与谢野晶子的《贞操贵于道德》一文翻译后发表在《新青年》杂志上,开创了中国日本女性文学译介的先河。迄今,已有150余位日本女性作家的作品相继为中国读者所熟悉,成为近百年来在中国近代化进程中风格独具的精神食粮。与此同时,这项工作也理所当然地成为了中国域外文学审美取向史的有机部分。     

日本新安保法对日美同盟的双重影响

日本新安保法是其解禁集体自卫权的制度依据,在突破战后和平宪法的专守防卫原则同时,也对日美同盟的走向产生双重影响。一方面,新安保法为增扩日美同盟的行动范围和功能提供法律支撑,使其成为落实日美安全战略理念的平台和亚太安全网络体系的核心;另一方面,日美因各自战略利益及对国际安全干预的成本承受能力等不同,两国在同盟框架内出现错位和互不协调。新安保法可能会在盟国、国民和地区他国三个层面削弱日美同盟的依托基础。日本新安保法无益于地区安全,也无助于维护地区势力均衡,却可能会成为地区冲突的推进器。     

制度建设视野下的伊藤博文民法立法观

作为明治国家制度建设的指导者,伊藤博文在宪政、行政、私法等领域的制度建设中发挥了巨大作用。私法学领域从继受法研究角度出发,以“泰西主义”与本国国情的二元论所构成的解释框架,并不适用于对伊藤博文民法立法观的解读。只有放置在制度建设的总体框架中才可以真正理解伊藤博文的民法立法观。伊藤博文的民法立法观实际上是建基于行政权优位于立法权的“行政国家”制度构想之上。以此为出发点,他对民法立法问题的思考,始终围绕着行政命令与法律、行政权与立法权之关系而展开。为了确保政府行使行政权之独立性,伊藤博文认为,民法虽然需要在保障私权方面进行必要的规定,但是一旦有关私权的规定涉及行政权的行使问题,则不属于民法的立法范畴。这也是伊藤博文在民法立法实践中转变态度,从支持旧民法到转而反对旧民法的根本出发点和立足点。