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51.
《和平与发展》2011,(4):66-69
1.China-U.S. Relations and the Setuv of Asia-Pacific China Institute of International Studies, a member by Shi Yongming, Associate Fellow, of the editorial board of "Peace and Development" magazine and a guest researcher of CPDS. The Asia-Pacific region is a confluence area where interests of China and the U.S. meet together. Development in China-U.S. strategic relationship will have direct impact on the the regional setup. Likewise, evolution and changes in that setup will also produce an effect on that alignment of relationship. 相似文献
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《国际关系学院学报》2014,(4):155-160
3 The Ukraine Crisis: What does it Mean to the World and China? ZHANG Wenmu
[Abstract] The Ukraine crisis and the return of Crimea to Russia has reaffirmed the limit and boundary of the eastward expansion of the Europe-dominated "New Versailles system". Instead of settling the border issue by military force as it has been always done, Russia managed, peacefully, to retain its border, the bottom line of its existence and the very foundation and prerequisite of its future revival, and consequently rendered it almost impossible for the EU to step up its eastward expansion in the foreseeable future. From the time of Peter the Great to that of Stalin, Russia had waged wars of attrition in the Baltic countries against Europe, and yet never lost a single one over Ukraine, except for the strategic contraction during the Stalin period in World War II and the Gorbachev period. In view of Russia's "victory" over Napoleon and Hitler in history, the Westerns are fully aware that Russians would allow for no exception in the neighboring territories wherever the land forces are maneuverablel The Black Sea, which neighbors Russia and connects land, is easily accessible for ground forces and yet lies beyond the reach of the sea powers of the west. Crimea is vital to Russia and yet, registers only as "important" to the European interest. Thus, Russia would mobilize all its resources in case of Ukraine crisis, but the West would not. Given the history of Russia in Ukraine, the Ukraine crisis marks only the beginning of Russia's strike back against the EU expansion. The impact of the crisis is yet to be felt globally and its warning lessons to be learned by China. [Key Words] Ukraine crisis, Russia, NATO, Versailles System, geopolitics [Author] ZHANG Wenmu, Professor at the Centre for Strategic Studies, Beijing University of Aeronautics and Astronautics (Beijing 100091). 相似文献
[Abstract] The Ukraine crisis and the return of Crimea to Russia has reaffirmed the limit and boundary of the eastward expansion of the Europe-dominated "New Versailles system". Instead of settling the border issue by military force as it has been always done, Russia managed, peacefully, to retain its border, the bottom line of its existence and the very foundation and prerequisite of its future revival, and consequently rendered it almost impossible for the EU to step up its eastward expansion in the foreseeable future. From the time of Peter the Great to that of Stalin, Russia had waged wars of attrition in the Baltic countries against Europe, and yet never lost a single one over Ukraine, except for the strategic contraction during the Stalin period in World War II and the Gorbachev period. In view of Russia's "victory" over Napoleon and Hitler in history, the Westerns are fully aware that Russians would allow for no exception in the neighboring territories wherever the land forces are maneuverablel The Black Sea, which neighbors Russia and connects land, is easily accessible for ground forces and yet lies beyond the reach of the sea powers of the west. Crimea is vital to Russia and yet, registers only as "important" to the European interest. Thus, Russia would mobilize all its resources in case of Ukraine crisis, but the West would not. Given the history of Russia in Ukraine, the Ukraine crisis marks only the beginning of Russia's strike back against the EU expansion. The impact of the crisis is yet to be felt globally and its warning lessons to be learned by China. [Key Words] Ukraine crisis, Russia, NATO, Versailles System, geopolitics [Author] ZHANG Wenmu, Professor at the Centre for Strategic Studies, Beijing University of Aeronautics and Astronautics (Beijing 100091). 相似文献
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《亚非纵横》2014,(3):125-128
Pivot stratégique de la politique américaine au Moyen-Orient Feng Jihua Lastratégie américaine au Moyen-Orient avant la guerre froide et celle aprés la guerre froide est différente. Pendant la guerre froide, les principaux objectifs sont d' obtenir un approvisionnement stable en pétrole , d' assurer la sécurité d' Israel et de contenir l' expansion soviétique au Moyen-Orient. Aprés la guerre froide, en plus d' obtenir un approvisionnement stable en pétrole , d' assurer la sécurité d' Israel , la stratégie américaine dan la région est de promouvoir activement la démocratie de style occidental. Depuis 1' établissement de la relation diplomatique entre les Etats-Unis et 1' Arabie Saoudite, il existe des discordes continues dans les relations en raison de grandes désaccords dans le domaine idéologique et de différentes positions sur les questions telle que la question Palestine-lsrael, pourtant ,les relations entre les deuxpays se sont fondées sur les intéréts réels , au-dela des différences du systéme politique, de 1' idéologie et la politique étrangére, les coopérations stratégiques se continueront. Dans un avenir prévisible, 1' Arabie Saoudite maintiendra la position du pivot stratégique des Etats-Unis. 相似文献
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一、案例资料
(一)案情摘要及现场情况
2008年6月,在某铁路线260千米处某河上、下行桥间,一个建桥施工现场在钻孔桩作业时,挖出人体骨头及衣着若干,随即报案。铁路公安刑事侦查和刑事技术部门接报后立即赶赴现场,经勘查,在距地面一米左右挖出一副不完整的骨骼,已经呈白骨化,尸骨仰卧位。尸骨衣着完整,套在尸骨外,未见有明显... 相似文献
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笔者认为口语表达可以过渡到书面表达,一定的口语表达活动能够为写作做准备。本着这样的理念,笔者在大一学生英文写作课堂上运用"说+写模式",先说后写、以说促写、以写为本。本文以四次写作课堂的主要做法为例介绍该模式的特点。教师引导学生围绕英语学习基本主题展示口头讨论,最终导向书面表达。在大一整个学年里持之以恒地运用这一模式,将为学生未来英语学习打下坚实基础。 相似文献
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《国际关系学院学报》2013,(5):154-160
3 Judge and Arbitrator in International Legal Procedures:Implications for the Arbitral Tribunal of the South China Sea Dispute between China and the Philippines WU Hui, SHANG Tao [Abstract] The international legal procedures comprise judicial procedures and arbitration procedures, in which the personal factors of judges and arbitrators may have certain influences on these legal activities. The judges in the international judicial procedures shall have independence, swearing to be faithful to the court or tribunal. However, such independence is relative since the political factors during election, as well as the nationality, personal thoughts and ideas of a judge in service, will affect his or her handling of the cases. Meanwhile, the independence of the arbitrators in international arbitration procedures is insufficient compared with the judges in international judicial organizations such as International Court of Justice and International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea. The arbitrator appointed by each party usually stands for and defends the benefit of this party. In the international legal procedures, judges and arbitrators can play a certain role in determining the procedure, calling witnesses or experts and receiving their evidence and visiting the localities to which the case relates, and attaching a separate or dissenting opinion to the award. Therefore, it is important for us to have a full understanding of the personal effects of the judges and arbitrators in international legal procedures in order to deal with the present arbitration cases China has participated in and the potential cases in future; it can also help supervise and avoid adverse personal factors when China does not participate in the arbitration proceedings or gives up appointing an arbitrator. [Key Words] United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, international legal procedures, judge, arbitrator [Authors] WU Hui, Professor, Supervisor of Doctoral Candidates, Vice-president at University of International Relations; SHANG Tao, PhD Candidate at China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations. 相似文献