2011年：地区安全环境变动中的中印关系

2011年,伴随着国际金融危机的持续发展,全球战略与经济重心加速东移,美国对重点地区的战略关注度也开始调整,导致地区安全环境发生变动,这些因素对进入＂交流年＂的中印两国关系有重大影响。中印两国在政治、经济和文化交往中虽不乏亮点,但双方安全领域的互信仍显不足,并且还出现了新的＂不安＂倾向。     

The Patients’ Rights Directive (2011/24/EU) – Providing (some) rights to EU residents seeking healthcare in other Member States

This article presents the main elements of Directive 2011/24/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council of 9 March 2011 on the application of patients’ rights in cross-border healthcare, commonly known as the Patient’s Rights Directive. It is the latest EU initiative with regard to European Health Care and the Single Market. The main elements of the Directive contain provisions related to the prior authorisation of health care in another Member State, the reimbursement of such health care and the removal of unjustified obstacles to achieving these aims.These provisions largely reflect the recent case law of the European Court of the Justice (ECJ). Amongst these are provisions involving the use of personal data. Such provisions will engage data protection issues and will have to be carried out according to the data protection directives. Alongside this primary aim of codifying ECJ case law the Patient’s Rights Directive also introduces novel initiatives aimed at fostering cross border cooperation between various elements of national healthcare systems.Part 1 of this contribution will describe the legal basis and the aims of the PRD, Part 2 will describe the principle obligations placed on the Member States with regard to reimbursement, Parts 3 and 4 will describe other informational and procedural requirements placed upon the Member States of Treatment and Affiliation. Finally Part 5 will outline some of the novel initiatives that have been included in the PRD.The increases in the frequency of cross border-treatment that this directive attempts to facilitate are likely to see a concurrent increase in cross-border patient information flows. Such data flows will be subject to the Union’s provisions on Data Protection. It remains uncertain whether the EU’s Data Protection regime will act as inhibitor to cross-border medical treatment or rather represent a gold standard that allows patients to engage in such activities with peace of mind. The Patient’s Rights Directive will form part of the EU’s future e-Health strategy which envisages a large increase in the fluidity of patient data. A discussion of this directive is therefore merited in this journal.     

‘Somewhat more disruptive than we had in mind’1: The Boundary Commission for England's 2011 Proposed Redistribution of Parliamentary Constituencies

In February 2011 the UK Parliament passed an Act that both reduced the number of MPs to be elected to the House of Commons and significantly altered the rules for the definition of Parliamentary constituencies. After six redistributions in which organic criteria—MPs representing places with a community of interest—dominated the redrawing of constituency boundaries, the new rules gave precedence to an arithmetic criterion: all constituencies must have electorates within 5 per cent of the national quota (average). Seven months later the Boundary Commission published its initial proposals for a new set of 502 constituencies implementing these new rules. This paper evaluates the amount of change to the country's electoral map that this involves, identifies the main features of the new constituency configurations, and assesses their likely impact on UK political life.     

2011年中国犯罪形势与刑事政策分析

2011年中国犯罪总量变化不大,群众安全感持续上升。严重暴力犯罪下降趋势明显,电信诈骗、拐卖妇女儿童、危险驾驶等犯罪得到了有效的控制,但是涉众型经济犯罪比较突出。2011年坚持预防为主的方针政策,全国积极推进社会矛盾化解机制构建和社会管理制度创新。2011年进一步贯彻和深化宽严相济的刑事立法政策和司法政策,全国公安机关采取了一系列的专项打击整治行动,严厉打击群众反映强烈的违法犯罪活动。人民法院加强了刑事审判的监督指导力度,规范了刑事法律适用和量刑标准。2012年全国政法机关将围绕着保障和改善民生以及十八大的胜利召开进一步加强犯罪控制和预防的力度。     

Weathering the storm: why was there no Arab uprising in Algeria?

This article re-opens the discussion of why there was “no Arab Uprising in Algeria.” After critically reviewing previous findings, the paper suggests that the stability of the Algerian regime was mainly a result of the non-formation of a cross-class and cross-ideological coalition. Splitting this hypothesis into its two main parts, it will be shown, first, that the working class was the missing element. Two factors explain this: (a) the numerical and strategic marginalization of productive workers – in turn, an effect of the process of de-industrialization that hit the country from the late 1980s onwards; and (b) the presence of an aristocracy of labour in the hydrocarbon sector, from which a tiny minority of workers produced an overwhelming amount of wealth. Secondly, the enduring distrust among opposition groups – a direct legacy of the still-too-recent civil war, as well as an effect of the specific institutional environment that developed from the mid 1990s onwards – prevented the establishment of a “negative coalition” through which all opposition forces could jointly mobilize against the regime.     

共产党领导的桂北游击队的发展壮大

1947年7月，中国共产党在桂北领导了农民武装起义，打击了国民党桂系的县、区乡政权。桂北游击队和游击队党组织的诞生，威慑和打击了国民党桂系的反动统治，在广西特别在桂北一带产生了极大的政治影响。游击队壮大后，在桂北建立了纵横百里的游击区，牵制了国民党桂系的正规军，协助四野解放了桂北各县，成为建设人民政权的主干力量。     

‘We have chased Blaise,so nobody can resist us’: Civil society and the politics of ECOWAS intervention in Burkina Faso

ABSTRACT

This article analyses the limits of ECOWAS’ top-down approach to mediation, based on a case study from Burkina Faso in 2014 and 2015. It shows the growing importance of ordinary citizens in the regulation of political arenas, both at the domestic and the regional level, as well as citizens’ impact on ECOWAS mediation in Burkina Faso. It thereby argues that mediation in ‘revolutionary’ situations is hardly feasible. In Burkina Faso, the 2014 popular uprising created a new kind of citizenry who felt ‘sovereign’ and expressed its grievances through mass mobilisations. In such political contexts, regional mediation, which aims at re-establishing stability and power-sharing agreements, becomes problematic because it contradicts the spirit ‘from the streets’. Moreover, the top-down approach also erodes the legitimacy of the mediators, who are perceived to work against ‘the people’s will’. The reflection draws attention to the tensions between international mediators and actors from below and highlights the need to craft new strategies for conducting mediation in the context of popular uprisings.     

Europe's Role in the United Nations

Two years after the popular mobilisations in Egypt and Tunisia of early 2011, post-uprising authorities, including the Islamist parties that came to power, have failed to deliver on the demands for social justice that triggered those protests. They have responded to past and present socio-economic challenges by adopting measures that are in clear continuity with previous regimes and lacking any coherent long-term vision of economic reform. Indeed, albeit with differences between the two countries, post-uprising authorities, lacking experience and competence, have not fully broken with the old system in reconfiguring power relations within and outside state institutions and have continued to adopt a top-down approach to economic decision-making.     

中国地方政府公共服务标准化探索与思考

在服务型政府建设过程中,标准化作为一种科学的工作方法逐步被地方政府采用。由于没有国家统一标准,各地政府基于本地实际情况开展公共服务标准化实践呈现出多种模式。公共服务标准化价值不言而喻,但由于标准化作为促进公共服务均等化的一种路径选择,其根本属性在于统一性,在有限政府的前提下,中国基本的公共服务标准化有必要建构指标体系,为实现基本公共服务均等化提供现实的指引。     

甲申年重温《甲申三百年祭》

在甲中年再次来临之际,牢记《甲申三百年祭》所总结的历史教训,诚骄逸,顺民心,永葆党的本色,我们党才能长期执政,永不变色.