责任政府构建的当代主题与基本维度

确责与问责是当代责任政府建设的关键环节。确责与问责构成了当代责任政府构建的主题,也规定了责任政府构建的基本维度。责任政府构建需要在正确定位政府职责、建立有效问责机制的基础上,促进政府对人民认真负责。     

非营利组织问责类型:一个成本导向的解释

本文根据问责方偏好与组织使命的吻合程度和问责方对负责方的强制程度,为非营利组织问责提供了一个新的分类——自我问责、层级问责、社会问责、法令问责。问责成本可以分为狭义实施成本和机会主义成本,其中实施成本随吻合程度或者强制程度的上升而上升,机会主义成本随吻合程度或者强制程度的上升而下降。问责类型的选择和组合主要是一个成本权衡的问题,不同情境的最优问责有匹配的吻合程度和强制程度。     

Accountable or Untouchable? Electoral accountability in Romanian local elections

While retrospective models of voting posit that voters should “vote the rascals out”, a wave of recent research has found that this is rarely the case. We investigate this question in a context in which many sitting politicians have recently been indicted on corruption charges – the municipal level in Romania, a surprisingly under-researched case in this sub-field. Romania provides a good case for electoral accountability. Not only do Romanians deeply detest corruption, the party system also contains many parties that would make it easy for voters to switch from a corrupt to a cleaner alternative. We collected an original data register of electoral and socio-political data on roughly 3200 localities together with all cases of corruption charges published by the Romanian anti-corruption agency, the Direcţia Naţională Anticorupţie (DNA), accounting for magnitude and timing of the scandal as well as the judicial outcome for the indicted mayor. In all, we find that 81 sitting mayors elected in 2012 were charged with corruption prior to the 2016 election. We test the electoral impact of corruption on the incumbent mayors on four outcomes indicating electoral accountability commonly used in the literature – retirement, vote share compared to the previous election, voter turnout, and reelection using difference and difference and a pairwise matching designs, inter alia. The results show that Romanians do punish their corrupt incumbent mayors to a quite high extent compared to the clean mayors. However, due to the large vote margins, the punishment is not severe enough to make them lose more often than similar “clean‟ mayors, although they tend to not run for re-election at much higher rates. Turnout is unaffected by corruption at the municipal level. In line with previous results, we thus find a certain amount of electoral accountability, but not to the extent that the ‘rascals are thrown out’.     

This Time,it's for Real: The Health and Social Care Act 2012

This article examines the Health and Social Care Act 2012 and associated reforms to the National Health Service in England. It focuses on the Act's policy of making the NHS market more ‘real’, by both encouraging and compelling NHS bodies to act as ‘market players’. The article considers whether the reforms are compatible with the constitutional requirements of accountability for the provision of a public service such as the NHS. It argues that the reforms threaten accountability for three reasons: they make the Secretary of State for Health's relationship with the NHS more complex, they create opaque networks of non‐statutory bodies which may influence NHS decision‐making, and (especially in relation to competition) they ‘juridify’ policy choices as matters of law. Taken together, these arguments suggest that there is force in the claim that the reforms will contribute to ‘creeping’ – and thus unaccountable – privatisation of the NHS.     

《行政诉讼法》的大修与小改——关于《行政诉讼法》修改的思考

对《行政诉讼法》实施取得的成绩和存在的问题进行全面的总结和分析,可以发现,《行政诉讼法》既存在制度空白,也存在制度缺陷;既存在法内问题,也存在法外问题。主张修改时应当针对不同情况采取不同的修改策略。修改《行政诉讼法》时应当重点注意一些问题,特别是在立法目的上应当以规范行政诉讼行为为原始目的,其他皆属于派生性目的 ;在破解执行难问题上应当引入问责机制,通过问责突破执行难。     

对我国问责制度若干问题的探究

如何建立和完善符合中国国情的问责制度,有诸多的问题需要进一步深入探究。在问责形式方面,应该包括政治问责和行政问责,即异体问责和同体问责两方面的内容。在问责主体方面,重点应确立人民代表大会和广大社会公众的问责主体地位,并以社会公众的知情权加以保障。在问责客体方面,要明确各级党政机关及其工作部门或工作机构领导班子的组成人员为问责的主要客体,并明确问责客体的问责形式和职责划分。在问责范围方面,应明确问责的主要指向应该是政治责任和道义责任,并增加问责范围的透明度。在问责方式方面,应重视公开道歉与引咎辞职的作用,同时避免以政治和道义责任来掩盖和推脱纪律和法律责任现象的发生。     

以审判为中心的诉讼制度改革:实效、瓶颈与出路

通过对2018年和2014年基层法院审理的有争议刑事案件判决书的抽样调查,并在一系列核心指标上进行对比研究,发现以审判为中心的刑事诉讼制度改革启动四年来,除了在辩护指标上有明显好转外,在证人、鉴定人出庭率等核心指标上,2018年的数据与2014年的数据相比并未观察到明显变化.以审判为中心改革的实际效果有限.究其原因,在...