A comparative analysis of regionalism in the Global South: The security and defence dimension of Unasur and the African Union

The aim of this article is to compare Unasur and the African Union with regard to their institutional structure, agenda and performance. Although some scholars have made comparative assessments of regional institutions in the same region or comparisons between regional projects worldwide and the European Union, there are still few academic contributions which develop a cross-regional comparison among regional initiatives from different regions of the Global South. By assessing the cases of Unasur and the African Union, and particularly Unasur’s Defence Council and the AU’s Peace and Security Council, taking into account their institutional structure, performance and limitations, and the role of regional leaders and exogenous actors in both cases, we have elaborated an analytical framework aiming to identify and explain the similarities and differences between two regional institutions outside Europe. Based on the contributions of comparative regionalism and the evaluation of Unasur and the AU, we conduct a comparative analysis of both regional organisations, giving specific attention to their security and defence agendas, moving forward the empirical and analytical agenda of comparative regionalism.     

Commonwealth Diplomacy and the End of Apartheid

This article recounts the struggle that those fighting for an end to apartheid in South Africa faced and the role that the Commonwealth played in that struggle. The author recounts the contribution of the Whitlam, Fraser and Hawke administrations in Australia in bringing down the apartheid regime but stresses that these leaders chose the Commonwealth as their primary vehicle for change. In the author’s view, the fight against apartheid was, arguably, the finest achievement of the modern Commonwealth.     

In search of international criminal justice in Africa: What role for the United Nations?

The International Criminal Court (ICC) ran into considerable controversy almost immediately after its creation. More than 10 years later, the tension between the court and the AU is palpable. The court’s perceived political prosecutions as well as procedural flaws in light of the power bestowed on the UN Security Council under Article 13(b) of the Rome Statute are some of the areas of contention. However, despite the obvious flaws of the ICC, there is also widespread scepticism that the AU can be trusted to mobilise sufficient political will to deliver justice on the continent, more so in cases where the perpetrators are sitting heads of state or government. In lieu of cooperation with the ICC and the UN, can the AU deliver justice to victims of gross human rights abuses? Are extraordinary African Chambers such as the one created in Senegal to try the former Chadian dictator Hissene Habre an alternative to the ICC? This article argues that it is only through a partnership of convenience between the AU and the UN that victims of human rights abuses on the continent can access justice. Furthermore, the article opines that calls for African states to withdraw from the ICC en mass must be vigorously opposed.     

Straining without training? Capacity-related problems facing African election executives and officials

This article argues that the empowerment of election officials and executives is usually overlooked, understated or simply ignored; yet elections cannot be conducted without plans in place to improve their efficiency and effectiveness; especially through training. As one of the foremost mechanisms for improving elections, training is crucial to organisational performance enhancement. However, training for election officials and executives is fairly new in many African countries. Generally incorporated in generic university or vocational institute courses globally, training is usually offered as a special tailor-made module for polling officials in western countries. Even then, it rarely covers the severe conditions election officials regularly face, especially in Africa. This article examines these issues based on a review of the extant literature, conceptual and theoretical reflection on election management, and practical interaction with some election authorities who participated as trainees in the Unisa Management of Democratic Elections in Africa (MDEA) course (2012–2014). The article concludes that the training of election officials and executives poses challenges for Africa; partly because some election management bodies (EMBs) prefer to “strain” rather than effectively train their members to ensure sustainable performance, and partly because others prefer short-term irrelevant training that undermines their organisational goals. These hurdles need to be overcome if Africa is to address its election-related challenges.     

Latency – Time for lawyers to get up to speed?

While latency issues have always existed in IT systems, it is only in recent years that latency has become a significant focal point for both IT suppliers and customers. This paper will provide an overview as to how latency arises in IT systems, why latency is becoming important across a variety of business sectors and then explores some of the prominent legal issues inherent in contracting for low-latency solutions.     

Presence on the Ground: Expectations,Resources and Tactical Moves in the Negotiation of a UN Peacekeeping Operation in the Central African Republic

ABSTRACT

How do local situations matter? It is tempting to explain the creation of a new peacekeeping operation (PKO) by the willingness to solve a local security problem. However, main contributor countries to UN and EU PKO in the Central African Republic in 2014, have sent hundreds of troops without a genuine interest in the local situation. Thus, how, why and when links to the ground are made? Having presence on the ground gave some actors levers in the negotiations. The contact with the ground impact the construction of expectations. It is a resource for pressuring on hesitating countries.     

Collecting on their investments,one woman at a time: Economic partnerships among Caribbean immigrant women in the United States

ABSTRACT

This article treats rotating savings and credit associations (ROSCAs) from a constructive cultural perspective. The female-based African-Jamaican tradition of paadna (partnership) is examined within the theoretical scope of womanist (Black feminist) thought, a seminal discourse intersecting both the African diaspora and women's studies. Across the multiple scholarly approaches within women's and African diaspora studies, academic theory acquires cogency through legitimate correspondences with tangible liberating practices and traditions that can be documented and interrogated for conceptual insights. The practice of economic partnering is one such tradition that substantiates the ethical directives and imperatives of womanist theory and practice. A womanist reading of paadnas is proposed, not because the participants have any self-conscious commitment to feminism/womanism, but because of the institution's efficacy in enhancing the socioeconomic standing of Black families through a relatively small-scale capital enterprise. Through paadna networks, Jamaican women have transplanted a flexible self-help tradition to America that is arguably one of the most reliable sources of social and economic mobility among groups of African descent in the United States.     

港、澳对“一国两制”制度化应有的努力

“一国两制”之所以可以在香港回归之后，继续维持其繁荣与稳定，其主要的原因，在于北京将香港在1997年之后的“繁荣与稳定”视为政策成功的关键，因而给予大力的支持，这就使得十余年来，“一国两制”的成功得力于北京片面的努力，从北京到香港都忽视了香港对维护“一国两制”应该存在的责任。本文认为北京和香港应该将“一国两制”，视为一种在国家典范下的新制度，欲使“一国两制”成为不同于“一国一制”的制度，香港不应对抗“一国”，更应该与“一国”合作，才能使“一国两制”成为香港长治久安的制度保障。     

地方政府创新中政策企业家知识创造的一个分析模型——以K市公益基金招投标改革为例

政策企业家在推动政府创新中,有无知识创造活动?若有,过程是怎样的?这是政府创新研究中的基本问题之一。论文以知识生产理论为视角,以K市公益基金招投标改革为例,对这一问题进行了研究。主要发现是:政策企业家将其新想法转化为创新方案的认知活动中,运用了其专门知识,创新方案设计活动是新想法、组织外部知识与内部知识的结合;知识创造本质是命题性知识与能力之知间相互作用而转换;知识创造方式包括原理化、操作化、合法化、边界化等;生产过程最后产出了因果知识、工具知识、流程知识、目标知识、预测知识、协调知识等。基于创造方式,论文将政策企业家的知识创造模型命名为ROLD。这一研究的意义在于:尝试从知识创造视角去揭示政府创新微观活动的“黑箱”。     

Comparison of Role Perceptions of Immigrant Foster Parents of African Descent from English-Speaking Caribbean Countries and African-American Foster Parents

Abstract

This article reports the findings of a study that compared the role perceptions of African Caribbean (n= 43) and African American foster parents (n= 91) who belonged to a single foster care agency located in New York City. The Foster Parent Role Perception (FPRP) scale was used to measure perceived responsibility. Findings indicated more similarities than differences between the two groups. For example, there were no significant differences between the two groups as regard to demographic characteristics, role perceptions or order of priority given to foster parent role responsibilities. The implications of these findings for practice are discussed.