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31.
少数民族地区乡村旅游发展与和谐社会构建研究   总被引:6,自引:1,他引:5  
乡村旅游已成为我国旅游业新的增长点和亮点。我国少数民族地区的绝大多数乡村有条件、有市场顺应国际国内旅游业发展的潮流发展乡村旅游。实践证明,少数民族地区开展乡村旅游对构建和谐社会起着多方面的积极作用。少数民族地区乡村应把握好乡村旅游的开发原则,探索其开发的有效途径,实现少数民族地区乡村的经济发展与全面和谐。  相似文献   
32.
任何文化资源的价值都是解读出来的,是不同的人对之加以不同的介入、选择、改造、重构的结果。本文以贵州著名的历史与民族文化事实为例,作一番探索。  相似文献   
33.
近代西南地区少数民族基督徒群体社会心态探析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
目前,学术界对基督教在西南少数民族地区的传播史的研究大多集中在教会活动方面,而对少数民族基督徒群体社会心态研究还很不够。其实他们的社会心态五彩缤纷,互相交织,内容极其丰富。所以,有必要对对其社会心态进行探析,以利于我们更好地把握西南少数民族社会的整体变迁。  相似文献   
34.
宗教极端主义是一种与宗教有密切联系的极端主义。它主要有两种类别:第一类是指宗教内部的极端主义倾向;第二类是指在宗教名义下的极端主义。宗教极端主义对国家安全的危害,主要表现在危及国家主权和领土完整,破坏国家现有政治体系、经济体系和社会秩序,干扰国家可持续发展。为此,严厉打击、有效治理这一国际公害已成为当前维护国家安全的重要任务之一。  相似文献   
35.
对我国建立被害人国家补偿制度的立法思考   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
犯罪被害人的权利救济是现代人权保护的一个重要问题。当被害人遭受犯罪行为侵害而又难以得到充分赔偿时,为保护被害人权利,彰显社会公平,应当由国家给予一定的物质补偿。结合我国国情并借鉴国外的经验,应尽快建立我国的被害人国家补偿制度。  相似文献   
36.
Experiences with racism are a common occurrence for African American youth and may result in negative self perceptions relevant for the experience of depressive symptoms. This study examined the longitudinal association between perceptions of racism and depressive symptoms, and whether perceived academic or social control mediated this association, in a community epidemiologically-defined sample of urban African American adolescents (N = 500; 46.4% female). Structural equation modeling revealed that experiences with racism were associated with low perceived academic control, which in turn was associated with increased depressive symptoms. Findings suggest that experiences with racism can have long lasting effects for African American youth’s depressive symptoms, and highlight the detrimental effects of experiences with racism for perceptions of control in the academic domain. Implications for intervention are discussed.
Sharon F. LambertEmail:
  相似文献   
37.
特朗普政府推出“印太战略构想”是为了应对世界大变局,替代奥巴马政府“亚太再平衡”战略和保持有利于美国的地区战略平衡。其主要特点包括:在“有原则的现实主义”和“美国优先的国家安全战略”指导下,加强印太地区联盟和伙伴体系;构建“美日澳印四边形安全合作机制”;形成有利于美国的印太地区经济关系。特朗普政府“印太战略构想”将增加美国联盟体系的内在矛盾;美日澳印四边形安全机制面临印度弱角问题;“印太战略构想”目标与财政资源不相称;战略目标之间自相矛盾。特朗普政府“印太战略构想”将进一步增加中美关系的复杂性和竞争性;向美国的盟国和伙伴国发出错误信号;有利于日本加强自身军事实力和扩张海权势力范围。  相似文献   
38.
This article argues that a return to the history of progressive political thought can help us to think afresh about what a renewed centre‐left politics might look like today. The article identifies some significant aspects of this history that attracted little attention in earlier debates over the British progressive tradition—in particular, debates about social ownership, nationalism and distributism. This revisionist history of British progressivism points the way towards some common ideological ground that could provide a starting point for a new dialogue between different ‘progressive’ political parties and interests.  相似文献   
39.
ABSTRACT

In this article I focus on the portrayal of fashionable clothing in the 1975 film Mahogany and connect it to the history of African American women engaging with sartorial self-representation as a means to assert their visibility in American culture. My aim is to analyse Mahogany’s emphasis on brightly-coloured highly-ornamented clothing, which has a long history of signifying bad taste and became part of accusations of racial and sexual inferiority. I want to show how Mahogany’s representation of fashion undermines the historically entrenched bias against colourful, highly adorned clothing while also revealing how this bias has played a subtle but significant role in the racism and sexism black women have encountered, further (but not finally) impeding them from the forms of recognition the category of femininity offers. Mahogany represents those impediments and repeats the sexual and racial commodification underlying them, but also resists them (albeit quite subtly) through the film’s loving display of fashion and its attention to the work of designing and making clothes. Mahogany tells a story of bright sartorial resistance that can be understood as an articulation of black feminist desires for women of colour to be able to compose the images through which their bodies are perceived.  相似文献   
40.
As it is in many countries, racial rhetoric is a feature of South African national government elections. The use of such rhetoric provokes the question, how much is political party support in the country driven by interracial animosities? Using the nationally representative public opinion dataset, the South African Social Attitudes Survey, this article looks at party closeness to the African National Congress (ANC) amongst the black African population. The ANC is one of the oldest and most powerful political parties on the African continent and currently dominates South Africa’s parliamentary government. Constructing four indexes of racial attitudes and behaviours, the article investigates whether partisanship with the ruling party can be predicted by racial animosity. The period under investigation is 2010–2014. Bivariate and multivariate quantitative techniques are employed to test the relationship between ANC partisanship and racial animosity. The results of this investigation show that racial enmity in the country is troublingly widespread. Public opinion analysis, however, found no correlation between racial acrimony and ANC partisanship. Other factors are driving black African identification with the country’s ruling party. The implications of these results for the study for political party support in South Africa are discussed and future avenues of research presented.  相似文献   
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