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71.
Fiona Anciano 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2014,32(1):35-55
South Africa's ruling party is well known as an organisation that supports the ideal of non-racialism. However, the extent to which the African National Congress (ANC) has defined and instrumentalised the concept of non-racialism is contested. This article looks at the history of non-racialism in the party and more recent interpretations by ANC leadership, before examining how non-racialism is understood, 19 years into democracy, by members of the party. Based on interviews with over 45 ANC branch members, the article describes how members, broadly speaking, have deep-seated concerns with non-racialism in the ANC and in society more generally. There is recognition from ANC branch members that race relations have significantly improved since the ANC moved into government; however, they feel not enough change has taken place and that racial tensions are impeding social cohesion and concomitant growth and progress in the country. There is division among members in regards to the efficacy and impact of the party's racially based policies such as affirmative action as well as the manner in which race potentially influences leadership opportunities within the party. Furthermore, the article shows that there is lack of definition and direction on the part of the ANC in regards to the instrumentalisation of non-racialism, and this deficiency has negative consequences for racial cohesion in the party. The article concludes by discussing how investigations into party branches through the lens of non-racialism, highlights more deep-seated concerns about local-level party democracy and a party fractured at the grassroots. 相似文献
72.
Paul Tiyambe Zeleza 《Canadian journal of African studies》2014,48(1):145-169
The dramatic growth in the relationship between Africa and China is one of the great stories of the twenty-first century, part of the profound transformations taking place in the global political economy. It has been greeted with excitement, consternation, and confusion. To its cheerleaders, it represents the enduring partnership between Africa and China, spawned by the historical affinities of struggles against Western imperialism and humanistic aspirations for development. To its critics, it is reminiscent of European colonisation a century earlier, in which Africa serves as a cheap source of raw materials, a lucrative export market for Chinese manufactured goods, and an outlet for its surplus capital. Rather than a development partner, some see China as Africa's biggest development competitor, whose explosive growth and insatiable quest for global markets threatens Africa's industrialisation and competitiveness. This paper examines the factors behind the development of Africa-China relations, especially its economic magnitude, and the challenges and opportunities it offers both regions. 相似文献
73.
Erika Edwards 《African and Black Diaspora: An International Journal》2014,7(2):89-104
This article examines the ‘disappearance of the black population’ by moving beyond the more traditional explanation of the blanqueamiento (whitening) movement at the end of the nineteenth century. In shifting the temporal framework to the republican period, 1820–1853, a more colorful explanation arises to address how the black population was first lightened which would lead to it being whitened during the second half of the nineteenth century. Ultimately because of mestizaje (racial mixture), blacks and other castas (a person who was not a Spaniard and often of a mixed racial heritage) became pardos. Pardos at first included those of mixed heritage with an elite status among other castas in the colonial period. As Córdoba joined the nation-building process, pardo encompassed all people of color, especially the growing, free black population. In order to explain this process, I traced African descendants who were originally labeled negro and changed to pardo in the 1813, 1822, and 1832 city censuses 相似文献
74.
1998年以来印尼华人积极参政,至今已成为印尼政治发展的一股重要力量。2014年印尼大选,华人选民受到印尼主要政党的高度重视,不仅纷纷派出华人候选人,个别政党还邀请华人搭档竞选总统副总统。华人积极参与国会选举,成绩显著,广大华人选民倾力支持的佐科维成功当选总统,凸显了华人选票的影响力。在印尼不断推进政治民主和族群和谐的大环境中,印尼华人参政的良好势头,将持续发展。 相似文献
75.
目的 观察萆菟汤治疗慢性非细菌性前列腺炎(chronic abacterial prostatitis,CAP)的临床疗效。方法 将176例CAP患者随机分为治疗组110例和对照组66例,分别采用萆菟汤和前列康片治疗,疗程均为8周。观察并比较两组临床疗效,治疗前后分别观察两组NIH- CPSI评分,并进行挤压前列腺分泌液(expressed prostatic secretion,EPS)常规检查。结果 治疗组临床疗效明显优于对照组(P<0.05)。与治疗前比较,两组治疗后NIH- CPSI的疼痛症状、排尿症状、生活质量评分和总分均显著降低(P<0.05),治疗组上述评分降低值显著大于对照组(P<0.05)。与治疗前比较,两组治疗后EPS中白细胞计数及pH值均显著降低(P<0.05),卵磷脂小体计数均显著升高(P<0.05);治疗组治疗后白细胞计数降低值小于对照组(P<0.05),卵磷脂小体升高值和pH值降低值大于对照组(P<0.05)。结论 萆菟汤对CAP具有显著的临床疗效。 相似文献
76.
77.
阚道远 《江南社会学院学报》2011,(3):39-41,80
为了操控国际互联网政治传播,关国政府制定和执行一整套“网络自由”战略。所谓的关式“网络自由”是美国国家利益的网络延伸,是美式民主、人权和美国霸权主义在虚拟世界的扩张和体现。美国的“网络自由”战略由理念输出、资金支持、技术研发和组织运作等几个方面构成。要深入揭示美式“网络自由”的虚伪和危害,加强应对美式“网络自由”的综合能力,不断提升对互联网和虚拟社会的管理水平。 相似文献
78.
十六大以来党的生态文明建设思想探析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
十六大以来,党的生态文明建设思想的形成和发展经历了准备酝酿、明确提出和科学定位三个历史阶段。生态文明建设思想的实现路径主要有五个方面。其中,调整经济结构和转变经济增长方式是根本途径,建设资源节约型和环境友好型社会是实践平台,建立健全法律法规和制度体系是坚实保障,扩大国际生态环境合作和交流是重要内容,强化宣传教育和扩大社会参与是重要方法。 相似文献
79.
我国《工会法》第52条规定的责令雇主承担不当劳动行为的民事责任,与美国《国家劳资关系法》第10(c)条的规定看起来很相似,相比之下,这一规范在美国劳动法的实践中很有效,在我国却极少被适用,解释方面也存在较大的分歧。美国是世界上最早创设不当劳动行为救济制度的国家,从《瓦格纳法》规定的雇主不当劳动行为的禁止规范及救济措施,到《塔夫托—哈特莱法》将适用对象扩大到工会和雇员,在雇用自由原则和劳资自治模式的背景下,其演变始终以保护雇员团结权的松紧程度和收放态度为线索。我国《工会法》现正处于第三次修改阶段,适时检讨第52条的解释和适用的障碍,还可以解决其与《劳动合同法》规范的竞合问题。 相似文献