Leaving area studies behind: the challenge of diasporic connections in the field of African studies

Abstract

In recent years, diaspora has become one of the key terms of social analysis in various fields. Emphasizing the multiple trajectories out of which present identities – inasmuch as political or economic realities – are forged, the concept forces us to reconsider the scope of classical area studies (and associated disciplinary boundaries) in radical terms. The article looks at the colonial foundations of African Studies as area studies and examines some ways by which to overcome enduring colonial epistemologies. The author suggests a theoretical framework in which Africa herself is considered as diasporic. Moreover, she calls for a critical perspective that will facilitate the comparative analysis of different diasporic discourses and practices.     

Sentiment and cosmopolitanism in Olaudah Equiano's Narrative

Abstract

This essay argues that Olaudah Equiano, author of the famous eighteenth-century slave narrative, displayed an international egalitarianism that was unique at the time. He was an extraordinarily well-travelled and a cosmopolitan man who criss-crossed the Atlantic, visiting every corner of the British Empire and who also endured the horrors and terrors of slavery and even as a freeman, never escaped the indignities of discrimination and racism. As a transnational figure of the African diaspora, Equiano's vision of global trade did not much differ from the tenets of British imperialism and market capitalism, which emphasized the exploitation of natural resources throughout the Empire. At the same time, in the representation of his relationship to Africa Equiano sought to establish more equalized and less exploitative international relations. Using political ideologies drawn from liberalism and republicanism, he extended them into a radical form of cosmopolitanism. Particularly in his depiction of his African childhood, and in the way he describes his participation in the Sierra Leone settlement project, is there a desire to create this new paradigm. The skillful appeal to feeling in both these sections of the narrative plays an important role in promoting this political agenda.     

Immigration to Egypt

Abstract

With more than three million Egyptians abroad, Egypt is always regarded in the migration literature as a labor-sending country. Hundreds of articles and books were written on Egypt as a sending country, while few articles regarded Egypt as a receiving country. This paper is an attempt to shed light on the role of Egypt as a country of immigration, rather than emigration. Since most of the immigrant populations in Egypt are refugees, the main focus of this paper is the exploration of refugee communities in Egypt and their socioeconomic, juridical, and political situation. Key gaps in the literature are also identified.     

Seeing/being double: how African immigrants in Canada balance their ethno-racial and national identities

With increased transnational ties to their homelands, immigrants' ontology now verges on being double – and, consequently, on seeing double – most of the time. This double consciousness, and the attendant dearth of fixity in identity among immigrants, has led some to wonder where the allegiance of minority immigrants, in particular, lies. Can these immigrants be loyal to both their ethno-racial identity and their host national identity? Is the identification with one's ethno-racial background and national identity a zero-sum game in which one side of the loyalty equation gains only at the expense of the other? This study examines these issues, using African immigrants (specifically, Ghanaians and Somalis) in Canada as a case study. In particular, we use multinomial logistic regression to predict the factors that prompt these immigrants to identify as: ‘just Canadians’, ‘just Ghanaians/Somalis’, or as ‘Ghanaian-/Somali-Canadians’. The study is significant not only because of the lack of research on African immigrants' identity formation in Canada, but also because immigrants' identity has significant bearing on their settlement and integration in host societies.     

Penetrating Trauma: Representing Rape in the Historical Drama Series Feast of the Uninvited

ABSTRACT

In the drama series Feast of the Uninvited, director Katinka Heyns portrays some of the pain and trauma experienced by families during the South African War (also known as the Anglo-Boer War). Within the storyline, the character of Magrieta Van Wyk is raped by a Boer man. This is one of the first physical “on screen” representations of rape in an Afrikaans television production, and because of this, the MNET series ignited a lot of controversy among audiences. Through this representation, Heyns challenges the traditional notion of the “pure and heroic” Boer hero that has become a well-known archetype within films and drama series set against this time period. While witnessing Magrieta’s rape on screen, we only later find out that the black housemaid Siena was also raped in a concentration camp reserved for black women and children. It is one of the first audio-visual case studies that mention black women’s suffering during this war, but it is still only given a brief glance. The author concludes that the collaborative effort of Heyns and cinematographer Koos Roets, combined with powerful performances, recreates the harshness of the South African War, and more specifically the traumatic experiences of women during this war.     

Rethinking media diversity policy on the community press in South Africa

ABSTRACT

It has been well acknowledged by historians of South African media that the country had a vibrant grassroots community press under apartheid, which declined with the advent of democracy. The ruling African National Congress (ANC) has supported media diversity in its media policy and has also criticised the supposedly anti-transformative nature of mainstream agenda-setting press. It has called for a range of measures to counteract this problem, including media diversity and intensified support for community media. However, apart from the establishment of the Media Development and Diversity Agency (MDDA), in its practices in government, the ANC has adopted a market-driven approach to the development of the sector, leaving questions of market structure to the Competition Commission and Tribunal. Evidence from the community press suggests that this approach, which amounts to an adaptation to neoliberalism, but with a public service top-up, is inadequate to the task of realising diversity. As a result, the community press is facing deep crisis. The article will then consider why the ANC has adopted an incoherent, even contradictory approach to press diversity, and what policy measures are needed to encourage the sorts of vibrant community press that a democratic South Africa needs.     

The remythologisation of white collective identities in post-apartheid South African film by myth and counter myth

Abstract

Since 1994 a collection of films, referred to here as post-apartheid South African history film, has thematically represented South Africa's apartheid history, and in so doing has engaged with the representation of the white figure in ways which suggest a reformulation of collective South African white identity construction. Part of this process is the phenomenon of the remythologisation, or the counter myth construction, of whiteness as an identity on film. Such mythic representations frequently describe the white figure as connected to aspects of guilt (whether individual or collective), remorse and forgiveness. Often the mythic construction of whiteness on film is delivered in a seemingly oversimplified binary fashion, reducing the representation of white identity in the post-apartheid South African situation to one that is robbed of complexities and nuances.     

Democratization and the Disfranchisement of African Americans in the US South during the Late 19th Century

The disfranchisement of African Americans in the South during the late 19th century highlights the role that mass actors, in this case African Americans, can play as part of the enforcement mechanism to prevent elites from backtracking on democracy. This episode in US history further suggests that for democratic progress to be consolidated, vulnerable groups require sufficient economic and social power to defend their formal rights. Newly emancipated African Americans gained the franchise in 1870. They voted in large numbers for two decades. But at the turn of the century each Southern state introduced disfranchising measures. The article discusses the efforts of Southern political elites to restore the antebellum social and political order, and the reasons the national state failed to intervene to protect the rights of former slaves. Above all, the article explores the nature of African American resistance and its effect on the timing and course of disfranchisement. It also draws attention to the importance of African American resistance by comparing Southern disfranchisement with the little-known cases of attempted disfranchisement of African Americans in the antebellum North and early 20th century Maryland. The article concludes that the relative strength of African Americans in contemporary America makes another rollback of democratic rights unlikely.     

Recrafting the national imaginary and the new “vanguardism”

An opportunity exists to assess the limitations in building long-term peace in post-conflict states, particularly given the extent to which negotiated settlements incorporate demands for democratic mechanisms. By assessing how post-conflict governments construct new majorities through policy tools as well as assessing how they are constrained by the structural realities of negotiated settlements, we gain some purchase on the reasons why some post-conflict state projects succeed while others fail. This has potentially transformative implications for our understanding of how social contracts, and their attendant issues of consent, dissent, and legitimacy, operate in the modern world and the ways they impact such critical discussions as democratic transition, post-conflict reconciliation, and nation-building. We use the case of post-apartheid South Africa to analyse how post-conflict states are limited in terms of forging social contracts among citizens and between citizens and governments. Of specific interest is the way that post-conflict social contracting compels nation-builders to eschew the uncertainties of viable electoral democracy in favour of dominant party regimes or electoral authoritarianism. We suggest that this tension is less a result of pecuniary interest on the part of nation-builders and more a consequence of the imperfections of the modern social contracting process.     

Bowden v. Caldor

Abstract

Using the facts of the Bowden v. Caldorlawsuit in which Bowden alleges the intentional infliction of emotional distress, defamation, false imprisonment, malicious prosecution, and wrongful discharge against his employer, this paper explores the mistreatment at the hands of private security officers and store personnel. This exploration is important because it discusses several issues such as: (1) the racially influenced misconduct of private security officers; (2) the damage awards often awarded to victims of private security misconduct; (3) the effect deceptive practices can have on false confessions, especially those of juveniles; and (4) the abuse of juveniles by private security officers. To curtail abusive practices, the authors recommend that store owners establish more stringent store policies pertaining to handling employees during theft investigations.