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291.
马庆钰 《天津行政学院学报》2004,6(4):24-28
在欧洲有着悠久历史并给各国人民带来了幸福美好生活的社会福利制度和公共服务,从高福利开始逐步造成了各国家的高税收,继而导致生产的高成本、社会的高失业率和国家竞争力的减弱,如何在不过于影响人民现有福利水平前提下走出这个怪圈,已经成为欧盟与各成员国政府公共服务改革与创新的一项主要议程。欧盟福利国家的经验启示是:我国社会公共服务要量力而行,社会保障服务要以救援为主,社会保险应引导自助为主,社会保险基金管理应选择市场化为主。 相似文献
292.
FRANK SCHIMMELFENNIG 《European Journal of Political Research》2016,55(4):789-810
The study of European integration has traditionally focused on organisational growth: the deepening and widening of the European Union (EU). By contrast, this article analyses organisational differentiation, a process in which states refuse, or are being refused, full integration but find value in establishing in‐between grades of membership. It describes how the EU's system of graded membership has developed, and it explains the positioning of states in this system. The core countries of the EU set a standard of ‘good governance’. The closer European countries are to this standard, the closer their membership grade is to the core. Some countries fall short of this standard and are refused further integration by the core: their membership grade increases with better governance. Other countries refuse further integration because they outperform the standards of the core countries: their membership grade decreases as governance improves. These conjectures are corroborated in a panel analysis of European countries. 相似文献
293.
Amadeu Recasens 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》2000,8(3):247-269
This article points to a frequent feature in debates about the control of the police. Aside from cultural and political characteristics in the last decades, policing has changed and at present it is going through a stage of rapid change. The author defines the historical roots of police in democracies. He places the police within the framework of the sovereign state, the administration, the judiciary and the citizens. The state's control of police powers is described in its interdependency with new demands on the part of citizens regarding micro (domestic sphere/neighbourhood/community) and macro (urban sphere/state/European) levels. On a European scale, the article provides an oversight over the existing network consisting of internal, administrative, parliamentarian, judiciary, and civil (non-government/social movements) control agencies and mechanisms. In its conclusions the concept of ethical standards is introduced as a means of effective high-quality police management. 相似文献
294.
1991年12月9日《欧洲联盟条约》签署后,欧洲联盟国家在追求经济一体化的同时,也在追求政治一体化,即欧洲联盟国家应以国家联盟共同体的方式,用一种声音说话。由于欧盟成员国间政治经济发展的不平衡以及在对外关系中的各自特点和差异,欧盟在对外政策上要完全用一个声音说话,还需要一个较为漫长的过程,也会受到成员国各种因素的制约。欧盟对朝鲜半岛政策从奉行接触到积极介入以及其中的起伏变化,多少能够看出欧盟在对外政策方面的相对模糊与迟缓。 相似文献
295.
296.
I Gede Wahyu Wicaksana 《The Pacific Review》2016,29(5):741-759
Realism has been the dominant conceptual approach to studying Indonesian foreign policy. This article, however, considers realist analyses to be insufficient since their emphasis on the struggle for power and security in the system of states has led to the neglect of the importance of perspectives which focus on order. To fill the gap it then intends to apply the English School perspective which focuses on the concept of international society to trace the nature and function of Indonesian foreign policy. Two cases are examined, including the Asian African Conference and Association of South East Asian Nations, to demonstrate the relevance of international society for policy ideas and action. The central argument is that the Indonesian elite worldview indicates that the creation and maintenance of order in international societies are ones which are prominent objectives legitimizing the conduct of Indonesia's external relations. 相似文献
297.
Lisa Claire Whitten 《The Political quarterly》2023,94(1):122-132
Under Strand Three of the 1998 Belfast ‘Good Friday’ Agreement, institutions were set up to promote the ‘harmonious and mutually beneficial development’ of the ‘totality of relationships’ between the peoples and governments of Ireland and the UK, including its devolved administrations and Crown Dependencies. According to the text of the 1998 Agreement this ‘east-west’ dimension was to have two elements with corresponding institutions: an intergovernmental one reflected in the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference (BIIC) and an interjurisdictional one reflected in the British-Irish Council (BIC). These Strand Three institutions were designed to provide fora for, respectively, intergovernmental cooperation on ‘non-devolved Northern Ireland matters’ in the case of the BIIC and information exchange and cooperation ‘on matters of mutual interest within the competence of the relevant Administrations’ in the case of the BIC. Nowhere in the 1998 Agreement text is the concept of ‘east-west’ used to refer to relations between Northern Ireland and Great Britain. Yet, in the wake of Brexit, and in the midst of controversy over the implications of the Protocol on Ireland / Northern Ireland, relations between Great Britain and Northern Ireland (GB–NI) have been newly framed as ‘east-west’. The creation of this new discursive face of ‘east-west’ relations marks an important, but little discussed, impact of Brexit on the political and constitutional landscape of the UK and Ireland. Against this backdrop, this article considers the impacts of Brexit, and the Protocol, on three faces of ‘east-west’ relations—the BIIC, the BIC and, newly, GB–NI—and discusses their implications for the future of Strand 3 institutions and the ‘totality of relationships’ they represent. 相似文献
298.
Jens Arnholtz 《Regulation & Governance》2023,17(2):372-388
While many coordinated market economies have responded to internationalization by regulation that creates dualization between insiders and outsiders, the Nordic countries have opted for an embedded flexibilization in which strong unions and cooperative employers have combined flexibility and equality. However, in recent years, the Nordic countries have come under pressure from an EU-induced dualization that has institutionalized mobile low-wage workers as an outside group. This article presents case studies of how Denmark and Sweden have responded to these challenges. While political processes have been different in the two countries, pressure from EU regulation and changes in employers' incentive to compromise implies that there is now a specific category of low-wage workers in both countries' otherwise egalitarian labor markets. The article, thus, contributes to the literature on dualization by highlighting the pressure coming from EU regulation rather than national policy. 相似文献
299.
雷经天的司法思想是新民主主义司法思想的典型体现。苏维埃司法的政法传统、边区司法正规化改革思想及马克思主义理论的中国化潮流是其思想的主要来源。围绕新民主主义司法观,雷经天提出了在司法组织上贯彻民主集中制,在法官队伍建设中加强工农干部与知识分子干部的融合,在六法全书援用中将政治立场与司法实践适度分离,在司法程序中坚持司法民主、发展司法便利等系列观点。其思想贯穿着革命性和实践性思维的特点,是时代背景与个人经验综合作用的产物。 相似文献
300.
Timothy K. Blauvelt 《Communist and Post》2011,44(1):73-88
Lavrentii Beria built up one of the most powerful patronage networks in Soviet history. Its success represents a unique case in Soviet history in which a regionally based secret police patron-client network, comprised primarily of representatives of ethnic minorities, took control first of the civilian leadership of one of the major regions of the Union, and then of the most powerful institution in the USSR, the national secret police, and subsequently became one of the main competing factions in the “crypto-politics” of the late-Stalin era. The fact that the Beria network emerged from the secret police gave it certain advantages in the political struggles of the period, but it also held weaknesses that played a role in Beria’s final undoing. The evolution and political struggles of Beria’s network also shed light on the inner workings of the competition among informal networks that made up the crypto-politics of the period. Using recent memoirs, new archival sources and interviews, this article will examine how Beria developed, managed and advanced his informal network, giving particular attention to the specific and unique outcomes that resulted from the rooting of this network in the secret police, at five critical junctures in Beria’s career. 相似文献