论和谐社会建设视野下农村共青团工作的创新

和谐社会总体建设之下的新农村建设,为农村团的工作提供了广阔机遇,同时也带来了现实挑战。农村共青团的工作要主动服从、服务于新农村建设的要求,进一步解放思想,加强团组须自身建设,努力创新工作方法,惟此才能更好地发挥共青团作为党的助手和后备军在农村工作中的作用,进而壮大团的事业。     

党团员志愿者与社工合作服务路径研究——基于对广东省佛山市南海区党员志愿服务的调研

以党团员为主体的党团员志愿服务对志愿事业的发展产生了重要影响,同时也为日渐普及的"社工+志愿者(义工)"联动模式的发展提供了新动力。广东省佛山市南海区近年积极探索党团员志愿服务与社会工作联动服务,深入社区和农村开展合作,在弘扬志愿精神的同时倡导助人自助等社工理念。在党团员志愿者与社工(党员社工)联动发展的过程中,要通过相互的专业支持和辐射引领等合作形式,探讨双方合作服务的路径。     

浅谈团干部的作风建设

共青团干部作为党的助手和后备军,其作风如何,直接影响到共青团的形象,影响到团组织的凝聚力,影响到团的事业发展。因此,加强共青团干部的作风建设十分重要,这既是共青团自身性质的要求,也是新时期做好团的工作和团干部自身健康成长的需要。     

新时期共青团与青年宣传工作探析

宣传工作是共青团与青年工作的重要组成部分,是组织青年、引导青年、服务青年和维护青少年合法权益的重要方法。结合当前共青团宣传工作的现状与相关理论,从宣传理念和宣传方式等角度,系统分析和研究新时期共青团与青年组织的宣传工作方法,提出了创新理念、创新方法、树立品牌、突出宣传文化等新时期团组织宣传工作方法。     

高校共青团组织服务大学生就业创业的思考

服务大学生就业创业已成为高校团组织的重点工作。新形势下,高校共青团应充分利用自身的职责优势、组织优势、工作优势和平台优势,以团课教育为平台,引导学生树立正确的就业创业观;以竞赛活动为平台,提升学生就业创业的能力与素质;以社会实践为平台,拓宽学生就业创业的途径与渠道;以团属媒体为平台,营造学生就业创业的良好氛围。     

关于推迟共青团员离团年龄问题的探讨

根据团章规定,共青团员的年龄范围为14~28周岁,团员年满28周岁不再担任团内职务,应当办理离团手续。团员是青年中的先进分子,对广大青年起着榜样和激励的作用。而目前对青年的年龄界定上限已延伸至35周岁,团员的年龄范围与青年的界定标准不符,故应当推迟团员离团年龄。但推迟离团工作存在一些利弊,共青团组织要对利弊加以分析、权衡,并做好工作上的应对准备。     

Lord Sydenham of Combe's World Jewish Conspiracy

Abstract

Ruotsila's article is the first in-depth examination of the development of the racialist and antisemitic thinking of one of the main expositors of British radical-right doctrine in the first three decades of the twentieth century, Viscount Sydenham of Combe. An active participant in all the major debates of the radical right, a popularizer of conspiracy theories to explain Bolshevism, Zionism and modern internationalism, Sydenham had unusually close connections with a wide variety of conservative (and later fascist) organizations and opinion-formers on both sides of the Atlantic. These gave him notable, and notably well-seized, opportunities to influence debate and help shape the categories that have, ever since, guided radical-right thinking. Ruotsila charts Sydenham's commentary on socialism and perceived German subversion in the pre-First World War period, and explores the linkages that he, and the wider movement of which he was a representative, forged between German power politics, Bolshevik revolutionaries and a supposed Jewish conspiracy. Ruotsila's particular contribution lies in the link made between these fairly commonplace radical-right notions and anti-Zionism, and opposition to the League of Nations and to the international projects of liberalism more generally. These points of the anti-modernist and anti-internationalist argument are shown to have been derivatives of a racialist, eventually antisemitic, conception of a world Jewish conspiracy. Ruotsila shows the development of Sydenham's thought to have proceeded from general, at the time almost consensual, racialist assumptions through anti-socialism to a full-blown antisemitic conspiracy theory.     

Opposing Islamification or promoting Islamophobia? Understanding the English Defence League

ABSTRACT

The emergence and growth of the English Defence League (EDL) in the past two years as a socio-political mass movement are unprecedented in the British setting. Initially dismissed and duly condemned as a racist and Islamophobic far-right organization, little is known about the EDL. Allen's article begins by tracing the development of British far-right political groups that were trail-blazers in campaigning against the alleged threat posed by Muslims and Islam since 2001. The rise—and subsequent fall—of the British National Party is considered as a vehicle for understanding the climate in which hostility to Muslims has become increasingly apparent. It is in this context that the messages and discourse of the EDL are explored, as well as in regard to the organization's roots in the English football hooligan fraternity and specific events in Luton in the spring of 2009. Allen looks at the EDL's innovative use of social networking—in particular its use of Facebook—to support its street marches and protests, as well as its recognition of the economic impact it has had, given the costs associated with policing its marches and protests. Having established how the EDL is supported both actively and passively, not least through a somewhat unique coalition that brings together sometimes disparate groups on the basis of ‘the enemy of my own enemy is my friend’—including groups that have historically been discriminated against by the far right—Allen considers the the arguments for recognizing the EDL as a multicultural movement. He concludes that the messages of the EDL are indeed Islamophobic—understanding Islamophobia as an ideological phenomenon—in that they create a form of order that clearly demarcates Islam as the Other.     

高校共青团在新媒体时代建设路径探析

精英媒体发展到个人媒体,高校共青团建设在新媒体场域下面临着信息传播模式突破了时空限制、进入数字化生存、传播的即时交互性和分众化等的冲击.要实现思想性的主导、组织性的主体和服务性的核心三个向度的时代担当,高校共青团的建设路径选择上就务求对接新形势转变理念,构建新媒体信息平台,强化引导,整合资源,综合运用新媒体载体,提高媒介素养和影响力等方面提高建设的针对性和实效性.