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51.
论高校共青团组织在构建和谐校园进程中的作用   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
在构建和谐校园的进程中,高校共青团组织要充分认识构建和谐校园的重要性,树立和谐发展的工作理念;切实推进服务型组织建设,完善和谐校园的构建机制;大力加强校园文化建设,构筑和谐校园的参与平台;全面促进大学生健康成才,培养构建和谐社会所需要的新型人才。  相似文献   
52.
团余姚市委面对经济成分和经济利益的多样化、社会生活方式的多样化、社会组织的多样化以及就业方式的多样化等新情况和新问题,积极探索和实践依托党建带团建的工作机制,着力推进区域共青团整体化建设。  相似文献   
53.
从历史发展的角度,阐述了党团关系与党建带团建工作的起源,并结合改革开放以来党建带团建工作发展的不同阶段,系统分析了新时期党建带团建工作应把握的原则。在此基础上,从思想建设、组织建设、作风建设三方面,对党建带团建的主要内容进行了分析和论述。  相似文献   
54.
为适应时代要求,高校共青团要以"三个代表"重要思想统揽团的工作,用素质教育理念明确工作定位,用服务理念树立工作形象,用开放理念开拓工作空间,用创新理念改革工作机制,努力构建高校团工作新格局.  相似文献   
55.
韩莉 《外交评论》2003,(1):49-54
英美在根据第一次世界大战结局安排战后国际格局的巴黎和会上既有竞争又有妥协。出于各自的外交目标,英国关注殖民地与海上霸权问题,而美国则将建立一个由美国起主导作用的国际联盟作为主要目标。鉴于双方的实力对比及国际关系的背景,英美都做出了让步。最终的结果既反映了新国际秩序中大国操纵的特征也反映了两国外交的局限性。  相似文献   
56.
对市场经济条件下团员先进性的思考   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
保持团员先进性是社会主义市场经济的客观要求.在全面建设小康社会的新的历史时期,积极探索保持团员先进性的思路及对策,对于提高团组织的创造力、凝聚力和战斗力,发挥团员在社会主义现代化建设中的积极作用,具有重大的意义.  相似文献   
57.
Italy is often presented as a showcase of populist parties. In the 2013 parliamentary elections, half of the Italian electorate voted for a party that has been labelled populist. During the 1994–2011 period, Italy witnessed four coalition governments dominated by populists. In line with the framework guiding this special issue, Italy thus offers a unique opportunity to trace the reactions of political and societal actors to populists in government. We propose that it is necessary to examine not only how populism's opponents react, but also how fellow populists respond. Indeed, we observe in Italy, on the one hand, what we will call mutating populism and, on the other hand, a peculiar mixture of paralysis, antagonism, and imitation by their opponents. This contribution is structured as follows: first, we describe Italian populism in the context of the end of the Italian First Republic and the emergence of the new party system under the Second Republic. In the process we discuss events under the four Berlusconi governments (1994–1995; 2001–2005; 2005–2006; 2008–2011). In each phase, we distinguish between populist and anti-populist contenders. We also describe the reactions abroad to governing Italian populists, especially within the European Union.  相似文献   
58.
《Global Crime》2013,14(1):58-79
Beginning in 1974, the construction of the Baikal-Amur Mainline Railway (BAM) dominated public life in the Soviet Union for the next decade. Declared complete in 1984, BAM was arguably the greatest and most costly construction feat in post-war Soviet history. Officially, the mainline was to serve as the “path toward communism” that would unite all Soviet citizens. This article explores the crime and corruption that surrounded the propaganda-driven world of the BAM. Although the railway led to few concrete accomplishments in either the industrial or social development of the USSR, the sociological and criminological consequences of BAM were profound. The highly visible presence of both petty and hard-core criminals on the railway revealed that life on the rails was not as progressive or futuristic as the state claimed. Instead, the dynamics of crime and control that intersected during the BAM's ten years of prominence revealed that the peculiarities of human nature, not what the state termed “communist morality,” defined those who worked on the project.  相似文献   
59.
在中国走向现代化的过程中,国家需要领导,社会需要整合,青年需要组织.中国共产党作为领导党和执政党,始终居于社会发展的核心地位,从确立价值认同、构建组织网络、综合利益表达、创建和谐秩序等方面整合社会、整合青年.中国社会持续变革,青年群体持续流动与分化.共青团、全国青联、全国学联等党的外围组织需要加强对各自团体成员的组织覆盖和内在影响,不断为党的青年群众工作探索新路径.  相似文献   
60.
The article examines the development of the Yugoslav state's policy of transnational political engagement of Yugoslav citizens on temporary work in the FR Germany during the late 1960s and 1970s. This politicization of labor migrations was shaped by the interplay of the internal turmoil in the Yugoslav federation and the conditions peculiar to West Germany of the time. The change of the state's perception of external migrations is being examined through the extension of the agitation apparatus of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia onto the territory of the FR Germany and the mobilization of economic emigrants against the “hostile” political emigrants residing in that country. The main goal of these measures was to maintain the emigrants' transnational links to their homeland and ensure that their political standing was kept in line with the official Yugoslav ideological tenets until the time of the prospective return migration cycle. The extraterritorial character of these measures, coupled with the specific position of Yugoslavia within the Cold War diplomacy, led to a peculiar ideological interplay and shifting web of cooperation and confrontation between various actors.  相似文献   
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