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101.
ABSTRACT

This article seeks to contribute to the literature centred on the principle of subsidiarity by highlighting the way in which political actors apply different dimensions of subsidiarity, horizontal versus vertical, in the field of labour market policy. It compares labour market reforms in Britain and Italy in the wake of international economic crises, shedding light on the role of subsidiarity dimensions. It shows that Britain applied the principle of horizontal subsidiarity in quasi-market mechanisms while Italy chiefly resorted to the vertical dimension that helped shifting labour market policies from income replacement to welfare-to-work. Additionally, the article explores how the principle of subsidiarity may affect the relationships between the European Union on one side and Britain and Italy on the other in the field of labour market policies.  相似文献   
102.
公共服务合同出租制(contracting-out)是当代西方国家公共服务市场化改革的主要形式,他们被广泛用于政府的公共服务领域。其优势在于:一是政府与市场的功能优势互补,可以实现公平与效率的统一。二是可以在公共服务的供给主体之间引入竞争机制,控制住生产成本,约束公共服务的内在膨胀趋势,提高公共服务的供给效率和供给质量。英、美两国公共服务合同出租的实践经验可对我国的行政改革尤其是公共服务输出方式的改革具有重要的启示。  相似文献   
103.
The question - ought Britain to have a written, more properly, a codified constitution - is perhaps wrongly put. The real question ought to be - why should Britain not have such a constitution… She is, after all, one of just three democracies without one.
There are two reasons why Britain has lacked a constitution. The first is that, historically, Britain never had a constitutional moment; the second is the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty. Today, however, Britain finds herself engaged in the process of gradually converting an uncodified constitution into a codified one. There is undoubtedly a case in principle for enacting a constitution, but perhaps it ought to wait until the process is completed.
There is, moreover, a tension between two types of codified constitution - a lawyer's constitution which would be long and highly detailed, and a people's constitution which would be short, but, inevitably, broadly-worded, and therefore open to interpretation by the courts.  相似文献   
104.
朱昭华 《东南亚研究》2007,(2):61-65,55
修筑中缅铁路的计划早在晚清时期就由英国提出,但遭到了清朝中央政府和云南地方官绅的抵制.抗日战争时期,国民政府为了获取一条西南国际交通大动脉,主动向英国政府提出了修筑中缅铁路的计划,中国并为此付出了高昂代价,但因缅甸的陷落,中缅铁路最终半途而废.当前,中缅国际铁路通道又提上了建设日程,成为中国加快西部大开发、发展与缅甸及其他东南亚国家关系的重大战略举措,成为新形势下建设和谐亚洲的重要组成部分.  相似文献   
105.
当前英国警务工作面临的挑战及其对策   总被引:9,自引:0,他引:9  
英国新一轮警务改革的主要内容包括:设立专门的警务标准机构;强化科学、统一的绩效考核;积极推行国家犯罪情报模式;变革警务活动主体结构;加强对新类型犯罪的处置。其经验可以给我国的警务改革提供如下启示:贴近民众、加强社区工作是警务改革的重点;有效应对突发性犯罪和群体性事件是警务工作的难点;加强情报工作是提高警务服务质量的基础;实施科学、统一的警务绩效考核办法是提高警务服务质量的保证;强化监督是保持警务工作廉洁、高效的关键;加强高级警官培训是提高警务服务质量的重要途径。  相似文献   
106.
One of the core questions facing political scientists is how politicians are able to implement cutbacks without suffering electoral backlash. A possible explanation might be that the mass media refrain from reporting on welfare state reforms in a consistent way. In order to explore this, two unique datasets have been collected: one contains information on all policy reforms of British old age pensions and unemployment protection from 1996 to 2014, and the other contains hand-coded media articles that allow the tracking on a monthly basis of what reforms are picked up. It is found that the mass media report on cutbacks, but not on expansions, and that they prioritise easy-to-understand cutbacks over cutbacks that are more technical in nature.  相似文献   
107.
恩格斯在《英国工人阶级的状况》一书中描写了19世纪英国女工的生活状况,以通俗的语言、详细的调查和清晰的数据,将女性工人当时正在遭遇的身体蹂躏、精神压迫等生理和心理困境描述得淋漓尽致。无产阶级的运动时常与男女平等、妇女解放的呼吁相伴,但也只是女性意识得以觉醒、身体得以解放的开端。面对父权、资本与权力的博弈,女性自我启蒙,参与公共生活和争取平等权利,是以恩格斯为代表的社会主义理论创造者业已发现的社会和政治议题,也是女权主义思潮之下各类理论指导与社会运动等多种动力因素共同作用的结果。  相似文献   
108.
第三次英缅战争后,英国殖民者占领了掸族地区,建立了一套完整的掸邦统治制度,其主要宗旨为:保留掸族原有社会组织和经济体制、土司制度,维持掸族上层原有的特权和地位,通过他们对掸邦实行间接控制和统治。虽然殖民者在具体实施时也视情况进行调整,但这种政策以牺牲掸族与缅甸本部的交流为代价,人为地扩大了双方政治、经济、文化等方面的差距,使日后缅甸在构建多民族国家时面临着重大挑战。  相似文献   
109.
The banking crisis of 2007-2008 briefly threatened to overturn a system of market government that had lasted for nearly three decades—a system designed to minimise democratic control over markets. The crisis drew politicians once more into financial politics and exposed bankers and banking institutions to popular criticism and control. But the development of regulatory debates, and of the institutions designed to manage the crisis, have combined to avert this threat to the established order. The crisis is being 'wasted': it is failing to produce radical reforms. The paper establishes the intellectual and institutional origins of this failure, and argues that, while the reform window is closing, it is not yet fully shut: there exists yet scope for radical argument and popular mobilisation in the creation of a financial system with fewer pathological features.  相似文献   
110.
The Brexit negotiations raise the question of what Britain’s future role in the world should be. Brexiters have drawn on ideas of the Anglosphere to imagine what that future might be. The Anglosphere belongs in a long line of thinking about uniting English speaking communities around the world. Different conceptions of the Anglosphere such as CANZUK are identified. The Anglosphere appeals to many Brexiters because it gives them a positive vision of ‘Global Britain’ as an alternative to EU membership. The advantages to Britain of regaining full sovereignty and associating once more with its ‘true friends’ are stressed. What is ignored is the lack of support among Anglosphere countries for much closer relationships except in the security sphere, and the inability of increased economic ties with the Anglosphere to begin to match what the UK will lose by severing itself from its most important economic partner.  相似文献   
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