Ferrets in the Caribbean: Britain,Grenada and the Curious Case of the Armoured Cars

Abstract

When the Marxist-Leninist New Jewel Movement seized power in Grenada in March 1979 they set about securing and defending their ‘revolution’ against the threat of a countercoup organised by the deposed Prime Minister Eric Gairy. Military aid was quick to arrive from expected allies, namely Cuba and Guyana. Grenadian Prime Minister Maurice Bishop also requested arms from Britain and the United States. The People’s Revolutionary Government’s (PRG’s) ties to Cuba and evasiveness over election plans ruled out the US providing any support. Britain remained more open-minded about the PRG’s intentions. Using recently declassified British government documents, this article will examine London’s deliberations over supplying armoured cars to Grenada. It argues that Foreign and Commonwealth Office officials focused on the bigger picture of steering the PRG away from Cuba at the cost of considering how the sale of the armoured cars to the PRG would appear to a wider audience and that the PRG’s increasingly authoritarian behaviour ultimately vetoed the sale.     

Declining might in the limelight: European responses to new regional powers

The article analyses the responses of three established European powers, France, Britain and Germany, to a world of rising regional hegemons. It argues that Europe as a region remains unique as it consists of three regional powers of similar material and ideational power resources and is the most institutionalised region worldwide. The current transformation of world power configurations, debated in competing visions of global order, challenges Europe's central place. Facing gradual marginalisation, the foreign policy adaptations of Germany, Britain and France have been insufficient and remarkably static. Old foreign policy identities still play a significant part in European self-perceptions. However, views are gradually changing as the world becomes more heterogeneous. Among the emerging regional powers, China, India and Russia are perceived as decisive global players. Other rising powers are viewed as mainly regional and, hence, more manageable actors. Finally, the article calls for a general shift in European attitudes towards the non-European world and argues that European powers should overcome traditional Euro-centric world views. Rather, they should start to engage with rising powers in a serious discourse over common global responsibilities.     

Islam and Muslim Communities in the UK: Multiculturalism,Faith and Security

This piece examines the relationship of Muslim communities to the UK mainstream between 2005 and 2010. Using the dual backdrop of the country's embedded multiculturalism policy and its counter-terrorism strategy implemented through the Prevent agenda, the authors brush a picture of a tense yet ultimately resilient relationship. While Prevent was often accused of leading to a securitisation of community policy, it is arguable that tensions have led to increased visibility and leadership capacity from the Muslim community, and a recognition of their role and diversity on behalf of the public and the government.     

The PKK and its evolution in Britain (1984–present)

ABSTRACT

As of today, a highly mobilized Kurdish diaspora and its most prominent representative, the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), has become so influential in the European political arena that it might tip the balance of the European Union’s policies on Turkey in its favor. Since too much attention has been given to the PKK’s activities in Germany, the organization’s actions in Britain remain understudied, despite the fact that Britain has been a vital place in Kurdish politics and political lobbying activities. Drawing on fieldwork findings, this article attempts to explore both the evolution and the political activities of the PKK in Britain across three different timeframes, from 1984 until the present time. Our findings suggest that in Britain, the PKK has departed in recent years from its conventional terrorist activities and transformed into a lobbying power that is likely to gain full legitimacy (i.e., being de-listed from terrorist organization lists) in the near future.     

二战期间中英在反攻缅甸问题上的分歧与斗争

二战期间,在缅甸保卫战役失利后,由于中英双方的共同需要,双方都希望实施反攻缅甸计划。中国政府坚持要海陆空协同作战,而英国政府从战后政治考虑不愿意出动海军和空军。由于中英双方在这个问题上存在不同的利益纷争,影响了反攻缅甸计划的实施。     

The political consequences of transitions out of marriage in Great Britain

This article uses British Household Panel Survey data to estimate the effects of divorce and widowhood on political attitudes and political behavior. In contrast to previous research, which mostly relied on cross-sectional data, a matched propensity score analysis does not find any effects of transitions out of marriage on policy preferences, party identification, or vote choice. The results also show that divorce (but not widowhood) substantially reduces electoral participation. Some preliminary evidence suggests that this effect of divorce on turnout is partially attributable to the increased residential mobility that accompanies divorce.     

The Promise of Fruitful Sino-British Cooperation

正RELATIONS between Britain and China date back to antiquity,founded on ancient trade and missionary contacts.Beginning in the 1830s,Britain was the first country to industrialize and become a world economic power.In the Opium Wars Britain forced China to open its doors,bringing the country into     

中英犯罪情报运行模式比较研究

进入21世纪，世界各国警务信息化的浪潮风起云涌，其中，英国国家情报模式改革堪称世界警务和技术规范化的一个范例。中英两国犯罪情报的运行模式不尽相同，相比我国传统的犯罪情报运行模式，英国国家情报模式更强调情报与警务工作的有机融合，更强调情报流程的开发性，更强调动静态情报的有机融合，更强调发挥情报分析功能，更强调通过严格的标准化、规范化促进情报信息的共享；在犯罪情报的收集、储存、评估、共享和复查清理制度等方面更为科学细致。借鉴英国国家情报模式在流程和制度方面的优点，促进我国犯罪情报运行模式的整合与优化，对我国实施情报主导警务战略具有重大的现实意义。     

析英国社区戒毒模式 探我国禁吸戒毒新路

迄今为止,人类还没有找到一个能使毒品成隐者根除毒隐的最好方法,但镁砂酮替代法是目前许多国家所应用的戒毒方法。英国“处方体系”的社区戒毒模式已推广了几十年,从最初的福利模式向控制模式转变并有所发展值得借鉴,但也不是尽善尽美。探索我国禁毒新路:1、加大政府行为,充分发动社区各方力量参与戒毒服务队伍;2、改革强制戒毒和劳教戒毒;3、完善涉及毒品的法律法规4、构建多元化社区戒毒组织的综合体。     

Back in Contention? The Conservatives' Electoral Prospects

This article assesses whether the Conservatives are likely to be serious contenders for power at the next British general election. First it assesses how well the party will have to do to 'win' the election. Second, it considers whether the record of the polls since 2005 suggests the party is capable of securing the necessary support. Third, the article assesses whether the ideological mood of the electorate has moved closer to the Conservatives since 2005. Finally it considers whether the image of the party has improved.
The Conservatives are likely to have to outpoll Labour by a considerable margin to become the largest party but their record in opinion polls suggests they could achieve this. The ideological mood of the electorate has moved closer to the party, while David Cameron is a relatively popular leader. But the party has still not fully restored its reputation for economic competence.