论和谐进程中社会创造活力的科学激发

社会主义和谐社会是团结和睦的社会,更是充满创造活力的社会。社会和谐与社会充满创造活力二者是内在统一的。但随着构建社会主义和谐社会实践的不断推进,社会创造活力相对不足的问题日益显现。这有其现实的困境,更有其历史文化的成因。为此,我们要采取科学的战略举措,激发全社会的创造活力,以推动科学发展、促进社会和谐。     

高校思想政治工作的挑战及其对策研究

高校思想政治工作是高校的重要工作之一,也是高校党组织的重要工作。高校思想政治工作历来受到我党的高度重视,特别是党中央的高度重视。高校思想政治工作的效果直接关系到我国高校学生思想素质和政治素养。近年来,由于我国经济的高速腾飞和市场经济改革的进一步深化,人们的思想得到了前所未有的解放,大学生的思想观念也呈现出多元化、自由化等趋势。与此同时,也为我国高校思想政治工作带来了更多的挑战和困难。为此,就高校思想政治工作进行研究,并提出了一些相关的对策及政策建议。     

公安政治工作应急机制建设的实践与思考——以四川公安抗震救灾政治工作为例

2008年以来,四川公安先后经历了抗击＂5.12＂特大地震灾害和支援青海玉树抗震救灾的严峻考验。面对特大灾难,公安政治工作大胆解放思想,超常规加速拓展传统公安政治工作的方式、方法和手段,为卓有成效地应对一系列重大特殊事件提供了强有力的思想保障、组织保障、素质保障、机制保障和舆论保障。经验主要是：1.打破思维定势,科学定位公安政治工作应急机制;2.尊重抗震救灾实践,科学架构公安政治工作应急机制;3.服务实战需要,科学实施公安政治工作的＂平战转换＂。     

解析赞比亚独立以来的酋长制度

酋长制度是非洲一项传统的政治制度。赞比亚独立后保留了酋长制度,通过对酋长的权力进行限制和改造,将酋长纳入了国家现代政治管理的框架中,并让酋长在特定范围内发挥他们的传统权威作用,为赞比亚现代社会发展服务。酋长制度在现代赞比亚得到保留,权力受到限制与削弱,同时在现代文明的影响下酋长的面貌出现了许多新变化。酋长制度在现代赞比亚得以保留并继续发挥作用,有深刻的历史和现实原因。在现代赞比亚,酋长依然是国家政治生活中的一支重要力量,掌管着本地的公共事务和土地管理分配权。酋长制度作为赞比亚传统文化的符号和象征对经济发展起一定的促进作用,更重要的是,酋长制度能够促进赞比亚民族国家的整合。因此,酋长制度作为传统因素能够为赞比亚的现代社会发展提供动力。     

Science and Technology and the President's Crime Commission

The U.S. President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice added a Task Force on Science and Technology as somewhat of an afterthought because there had then been very little interaction between science and technology and the criminal justice system (CJS). The task force focused on the CJS as a whole and interactions among its parts, with an important emphasis on analysis of the operating systems and on the important potential role of information systems as the technology advanced. The potential applications of contemporary information and electronic technologies is considerable, especially for assessing risk and needs of identified offenders and for providing relevant information wherever needed. There is urgent need for scientific evaluation of many of the positive and negative aspects of the operation of the CJS and of the potential for new technologies.     

The Rise of Capital and the Necessity of Political Economy

Indonesia: The Rise of Capital by Richard Robison is regarded as one of the most important books in the study of modern Indonesia. It was also a major instigator of a turn toward political economy in the scholarship on Southeast Asia, more generally in the 1980s. This introductory article to the current feature issue examines the context that made the writing of The Rise of Capital an intellectually necessary endeavour. It also explores the book's relevance to developments in three broad areas of academic debate within which the book can be situated.     

Laissez-faire versus Strict Control of Political Finance: Hegemonic Parties and Developmental States in Malaysia and Singapore

ABSTRACT

This article compares the financing of political parties and candidates in two Southeast Asian countries. In Malaysia, some political finance regulations exist only on paper, and political financing is for the most part not restrained at all. In contrast, the financing of candidates and parties has always been tightly circumscribed in Singapore. These different strategies, “laissez-faire” versus “strict control,” are the consequence of various factors. In Malaysia, the New Economic Policy has effected a close, often economically unproductive linkage between the state, the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition, and business. The rise of businesspeople has resulted in the commercialization of competition within (the United Malays National Organisation. Additionally, increasing competition between the ruling coalition and the opposition has resulted in growing expenditures for electioneering in the form of advertisements and electoral patronage. The laissez-faire style of regulation has been compounded by the difficult-to-control practices in East Malaysia (Sabah and Sarawak), where vote buying, electoral patronage based on the largesse of oligarchs, and obvious nonobservance of the rules have been typical. In contrast to Malaysia as a whole, the costs for parties and candidates are still relatively low in Singapore. As a cadre party, the PAP (People's Action Party) is relatively autonomous from private business interests, and intraparty competition is not commercialized; the developmentalist state is highly productive, and the ties between the state, the PAP, and business are not characterized by cronyism. Moreover, electioneering is not very commercialized because the opposition is still relatively weak.     

Marie Corelli's British new woman: A threat to empire?

At the height of the British Empire, England was in the midst of major social, economic and moral upheaval. The roles and status of middle-class women were particularly affected by many of these changes. In turn, as the gap between idealism and ‘reality’ grew, the validity or usefulness of Victorian notions or ideals of womanhood increasingly came under attack. Arising from this commotion was the figure of the late Victorian and Edwardian ‘New Woman.’ Her appearance provoked further confusion and ambiguity about gender that had repercussions for empire. This paper addresses the way in which the role of English women in sustaining the British Empire intensified the social pressures on them in the metropole. It examines the threat to nation and empire represented by the New Woman by looking at how she was presented to the rapidly growing general reading public at the end of the nineteenth- and beginning of the twentieth century. This is achieved by looking at the bestselling novels of Marie Corelli, a phenomenally popular turn-of-the-century author. Corelli's novels repeatedly affirm that the New Woman represented the threat of ‘modernity,’ that she was a danger to ‘civilisation’ and therefore to British imperialism.     

Qualification and Disqualification in Rape Cases

Between 1946 and 1950, the police in Stockholm interrogated almost 150 men about their involvement in alleged rapes and attempted rapes. The results of these investigations eventually led to seventeen prosecutions and eleven convictions. It was not easy to convict someone of rape. However, a consequence of the way the court operated was also that only certain men could be convicted, only certain women regarded as reliable witness, and only certain kinds of attack regarded as plausible. The question of whether the alleged crime was considered possible to prove was dependent upon who reported whom for what. For the complainants it was a matter of qualifying for inclusion within the protection of the law. But what appeared as a rejection of someone's credibility, was in actual fact a result of a prior rejection of the individual's person and character. From the point of view of the legal system, some individuals were more fitted than others for the role of credible victim or likely offender. The sexually immoral woman and the man at the mercy of his sexuality were both in danger of having their credibility questioned: the former a poor victim and the latter all too suitable an offender.