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821.
《Journal of Political Marketing》2013,12(3):29-46
Abstract While research exists on how political parties use political marketing instruments, there is a lack of emphasis on strategic marketing, especially with regard to theoretical frameworks of political marketing orientation. This can be seen as problematic in the development of political marketing research as a subdiscipline of marketing and political science. A concept is suggested that defines a party's orientation towards political marketing management using two crucial elements of strategic marketing theory regarding customer orientation: leading and following. Three generic types of political parties are characterised by their strategic postures using their stance on these two elements. The implications of strategic postures for the fulfilment of certain political marketing functions and organisational issues are briefly discussed. While traditional parties with a rigid content-based approach towards policy-making can be characterised as Convinced Ideologists, contemporary catch-all parties have moved towards being Tactical Populists. Whilst both these postures are prone to being perceived as dogmatic or untrustworthy and fickle, a third posture, that of Relationship Builder, is proposed. This integrates leading and following, by using a relational approach towards marketing, as suggested in the evolving literature on strategic marketing and marketing orientation. This Relationship Builder stance constitutes a theoretical posture that needs to be clarified by empirical research in the political arena. Thus, to foster further empirical and theoretical research, several propositions have been derived in a process that is in line with the demands of theory-building and hypothesis-driven exploration as suggested for this comparatively new discipline of political marketing. 相似文献
822.
《Journal of Political Marketing》2013,12(4):51-65
ABSTRACT This review of the literature on political marketing and the party most associated with it in the UK, New Labour, suggests that the relationship is not straightforward. Politicians are, for example, hesitant to use marketing language in public. The relationship is problema-tised along the three dimensions of: partial or total import into some or all of politics; functional or instrumental use by leading politicians, and the roles of transformer of politics, or transfer agent for techniques. The results suggest two responses. The first is more fieldwork into political marketing outside of electoral campaigning and inside policy making. The second is a reconceptualising of the relationship away from the transformation or transfer dimension, and towards political marketing as a methodology for understanding a very different, and very separate activity, namely politics. 相似文献
823.
The study of comparative federalism is often hampered by the diverse range of federal institutional arrangements in practice, as well as the ambiguity surrounding the concept of federalism. This article identifies three main conceptual approaches to federalism – sociological, constitutional, and governmental – then proposes a revised governmental approach that takes account of the institutional effects of federalism, for application in comparative politics research. Minimally defined, all federations are products of institutional rules that create separate territorial spheres of authority. This article compares Canada, the United States, Australia, Austria, Germany and Switzerland along two key institutional dimensions that structure politics in the federal state: resource allocation, and the representation of constituent units in federal-level decision-making. 相似文献
824.
张信容 《福建省社会主义学院学报》2013,(1):70-73
青少年是推动社会前进的最活跃力量。在苏区时期,闽西苏区党、政府注重发挥青少年在革命中的作用,将青少年的思想政治工作作为党的重要工作来抓,各县的少先队、儿童团在党团组织领导下,围绕党的中心工作,立足当时实际,扎实有效地开展思想政治工作,支援了革命战争,促进了苏区革命根据地建设。总结闽西苏区青少年思想政治工作的宝贵历史经验,对于做好当前青少年工作有着重要的借鉴作用。 相似文献
825.
肖勇 《Journal of Sichuan Police College》2013,(6):32-40
对西部少数民族地区政治稳定起决定性作用的是民族、政治、经济、宗教和风俗习惯等五大认同机制。其中,民族认同机制是基石,它奠定了西部少数民族地区政治稳定的血缘基础;政治认同机制是核心,它奠定了西部少数民族地区政治稳定的制度基础;经济认同机制是关键,它奠定了西部少数民族地区政治稳定的利益基础;宗教与民族风俗习惯认同机制是两大重要组成部分,前者奠定了西部少数民族地区政治稳定的价值基础,而后者则是西部少数民族地区政治稳定的重要润滑剂。 相似文献
826.
This study investigates the conditions under which Swiss citizens take consistent decisions, that is, decisions that reflect their argument‐based opinions, during direct‐democratic ballots. In line with recent work on cognitive political behavior, we expect the drivers of consistent voting to be found at the individual and contextual level. At the individual level, we argue that political knowledge positively affects consistent decisions. At the contextual level, we anticipate a positive effect for campaign intensity, complexity and negativism. We estimate hierarchical logistic models based on VOX survey data (1999‐2005) and original data that captures the nature of political campaigns. Our results support our expectations for the situational level and (partially) for the individual factors. 相似文献
827.
Collective Action and Citizen Responses to Global Warming 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
This paper expands the relevance of the collective interest model of mass political action to explain collective-action behavior
in the context of global warming and climate change. The analysis is an attempt to answer Ostrom’s call for a behavioral model
of collective action that can be generalized beyond political protest to other collective-action problems. We elaborate, specify,
and empirically test a collective interest model approach to citizen policy support, environmental political participation,
and environmental behavior related to the issue of global warming. Key elements of the collective interest model—perceived
risk, personal efficacy, and environmental values—are found to be directly, and positively, related to support of government
policies and personal behaviors that affect global warming. We also discuss the links between the collective interest model
and other important approaches to political behavior.
相似文献
Arnold VedlitzEmail: |
828.
Since Roe v. Wade, most states have passed laws either restricting or further protecting reproductive rights. During a wave of anti-abortion
violence in the early 1990s, several states also enacted legislation protecting abortion clinics, staff, and patients. One
hypothesis drawn from the theoretical literature predicts that these laws provide a deterrent effect and thus fewer anti-abortion
crimes in states that protect clinics and reproductive rights. An alternative hypothesis drawn from the literature expects
a backlash effect from radical members of the movement and thus more crimes in states with protective legislation. We tested
these competing hypotheses by taking advantage of unique data sets that gauge the strength of laws protecting clinics and
reproductive rights and that provide self-report victimization data from clinics. Employing logistic regression and controlling
for several potential covariates, we found null effects and thus no support for either hypothesis. The null findings were
consistent across a number of different types of victimization. Our discussion contextualizes these results in terms of previous
research on crimes against abortion providers, discusses alternative explanations for the null findings, and considers the
implications for future policy development and research. 相似文献
829.
网络时代的到来,对高校思想政治教育工作带来越来越深刻的影响,既给高校思想政治教育工作带来极大的机遇,又使高校思想政治教育工作面临严峻挑战。这就要求我们在新的形势下,不断探索网络时代高校思想政治教育工作的新方法和新途径,以积极的态度构建网络时代高校思想政治教育工作的新机制、新模式,从而全面创新高校思想政治教育工作。 相似文献
830.
陆伟芳 《江苏行政学院学报》2009,(4):132-136
英国自由党在20世纪初戏剧性地走向衰落,固然有经济方面的原因,有阶级基础的变化,工党崛起等因素,但是,自由党在妇女选举权问题上暴露出来的知行分裂、顽固不化和男性沙文主义思想,也在某种程度上促使人们认清自由党的真面目,对自由党的衰落起了催化作用. 相似文献