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11.
东盟的文化特征意识 --东盟意识与东盟的发展(Ⅰ)   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
东盟的文化特征意识是东盟意识的一个重要组成部分,它集中体现为东盟的组织特点和决策风格,即"东盟方式".东盟方式强调组织方式和决策的非正式性、非对抗性和协商一致精神,这种意识来源于印尼爪哇农村的决策传统,成型于东盟成员国之间的行为互动,强化于东盟对柬埔寨问题的不懈努力.  相似文献   
12.
Although it has been the major states of China, the former Soviet Union and especially the United States that have made the major contributions to shaping the security architecture of the Asia-Pacific region since 1945, the UN system has played a useful, adjunct role. This is especially the case in the post-Cold War era when its principal bodies, together with its various specialized agencies, have provided vital support in moving warring societies into a period of relative peace and stability. The UN peace-building operations in Cambodia and East Timor were some of the most demanding ever undertaken by this universal institution. But beyond these particular examples, the United Nations has been influential in the region in other, more indirect, ways. It has set standards, its charter has been a powerful source of ideas when it comes to composing parallel documents at the state or regional levels, and it has helped with the negotiation of global arms control treaties, making up to some degree for the absence of such arrangements at the regional level. The UN has also had a legitimating function, providing an arena where Asia-Pacific states can publicize their grievances, and receive approval or reprimand for their behaviour. It has played a valuable role, too, as third-party mediator. However, the UN's political structure constrains the contribution it can make to the security order since it is reliant on major state agreement before it can act. Veto power - not its actual use but simply its anticipated use - gives China, Russia and the United States a controlling function with respect to a potential UN role in the management of conflict. Beijing and Washington would work, and have worked, to exclude the United Nations from major involvement in conflicts in which they have direct security interests: the Taiwan and Korean issues being the two most obvious in this regard. Thus, the United Nations is a useful buttress but not a central pillar of the region's security architecture.  相似文献   
13.
ABSTRACT

Non-governmental organisations (NGOs) are a constituent part of post-conflict Transitional Justice interventions and as such their projects shape but are also constrained by various narratives about the past. This article introduces the concept of mnemonic role attributions defined as the sum of how actors, their roles, their responsibility and their suffering are categorised as they are remembered regarding a certain period of time. The article analyses how different mnemonic role attributions that are propagated during interventions by Transitional Justice experts in civil society influence the potential for reconciliation in post-conflict Cambodia.  相似文献   
14.
This article examines some statistical data concerning juvenile delinquency in the USSR, analyzes social and demographic characteristics of juvenile delinquents, and describes special methods of preventing and combating juvenile delinquency in the USSR.

In those cases when the article does not contain direct references to the source of the data, the author cites the results of various research studies which are in his possession.  相似文献   

15.
Commentators have long struggled to understand state-society relations in Asia within the framework of the dominant liberal-democratic conceptualisation of civil society. This article examines the relevance of Antonio Gramsci's theory of civil society for understanding contemporary Cambodia and Vietnam, with reference to both legal and social frameworks. Such an analysis illuminates important aspects of state-society relations in Southeast Asia that tend to be overlooked by dominant liberal and Marxist perspectives. This article argues, however, that the utility of Gramsci's conception of civil society for understanding state-society relations in Cambodia and Vietnam, by retaining the notion of civil society as a realm associatively separate from the state, is limited.  相似文献   
16.
Human security in post-war societies depends on incentives to forego violence in local interactions. The government of Cambodia monitors domestic violence, land conflicts and serious crime in over 13,000 villages and urban neighbourhoods. We use three annual data collections to estimate the response of these conflicts to the legacy of the war, poverty and resource competition, urbanity as well as governance quality. Bayesian spatial regressions help identify socio-economic thresholds beyond which conflicts expand or contract significantly. We find numerous non-linearities in the propensities for violence. Notably, predicted rates decrease in response to quality of governance only at a high level of service provision, which, realistically, most communities may not soon achieve. This may justify dedicated programmes addressing particular types of conflicts. We propose alternative analytic approaches, including some that would make the problem of endogeneity more tractable once updated poverty estimates become available. Electronic supplementary material  The online version of this article (doi:) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.
Aldo BeniniEmail:
  相似文献   
17.
Abstract

The stated purpose of development is often characterised by the motivation to ‘help’ – that is, to intervene in the lives of others in supportive ways. This paper argues that this perspective has obscured how development activities are also animated by its twin desire to ‘connect’. While this holds significance for development more broadly, it becomes particularly evident in a mode of assistance that has gained prominence more recently. These are privately funded, small-scale projects led by individual founders, here described as ‘citizen aid’. Based on ethnographic research among citizen aid initiatives in Cambodia, the paper argues that the relevance of ‘connecting’ has been insufficiently recognised so far. It explores different aspects of what participants mean by ‘making a connection’, including face-to-face contact, direct experience of aid activities, and their tangible efficacy. It also finds that establishing interpersonal relationships across national, ethnic and cultural differences, while potentially challenging, is a key motivation for those involved. Finally, the paper argues that acknowledging the desire to connect questions notions of the ‘distant stranger’ as the archetypical humanitarian object, highlighting the wish for familiarity and closeness as potentially just as important for motivating and directing assistance to others.  相似文献   
18.
ABSTRACT

Secular and faith-based NGOs are significant non-state service providers in the developing world, yet limited research has been conducted comparing their motivational factors. This paper considers the motivations driving the work of Christian faith-based organisations (FBOs) and secular NGOs working with women and children in Cambodia. The qualitative research design included 41 interviews, with respondents from thirteen FBOs and twelve secular NGOs. The paper makes two substantive arguments. First, faith-related motivations were expressions of the ways in which religious faith infused FBOs in the study. Second, the development context in which the organisations worked led to a clear distinction between FBOs and secular NGOs. The paper makes a theoretical contribution about the importance of considering the convergence of both the development context and the infusion of faith in FBOs when examining similarities and differences between these two types of organisations.  相似文献   
19.
柬埔寨地处东南亚,与世界主要毒源地金三角毗邻。虽然柬埔寨不是传统意义上的毒源地,却也是金三角毒品外流的毒品过境国,也深受毒品的危害。近年来,柬埔寨加大了禁毒举措,即:一是成立专门禁毒机构;二是明确禁毒工作的五项标准及划分三个地带;三是建立禁毒工作竞争机制;四是加强禁毒执法官员的职业培训;五是加强立法;六是加大对毒品危害的宣传力度;七是重视禁吸戒毒工作;八是加强国际交流与合作。  相似文献   
20.
也论差猜时期泰国的印支政策   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
王军 《东南亚研究》2001,(1):25-28,32
柬埔寨问题产生后 ,印支政策是泰国外交政策的核心。差猜上台后实施的“战场变商场”政策因其变化性而受到广泛关注。该政策既反映了泰国政治变迁 ,又表现出泰国外交政策的继承性 ,同时亦展现了泰国的地区雄心。实质上 ,差猜时期泰国的印支政策是“双轨政策” ,即“一轨”为“战场变商场”政策 ,另“一轨”是 :以外长西提为首的泰国外交部实施 (与东盟集体政策一致 )的政策。双轨政策实质上反映了泰国国家利益 (远期与近期 )的分歧与协调及国家利益与东盟地区利益的分歧与协调。  相似文献   
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