首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   244篇
  免费   18篇
各国政治   35篇
工人农民   4篇
世界政治   31篇
外交国际关系   127篇
法律   28篇
中国共产党   3篇
中国政治   3篇
政治理论   19篇
综合类   12篇
  2024年   4篇
  2023年   6篇
  2022年   3篇
  2021年   4篇
  2020年   18篇
  2019年   15篇
  2018年   13篇
  2017年   25篇
  2016年   13篇
  2015年   14篇
  2014年   10篇
  2013年   40篇
  2012年   5篇
  2011年   9篇
  2010年   15篇
  2009年   20篇
  2008年   13篇
  2007年   21篇
  2006年   5篇
  2005年   2篇
  2004年   2篇
  2003年   2篇
  2002年   2篇
  2000年   1篇
排序方式: 共有262条查询结果,搜索用时 10 毫秒
101.
近年来,随着环境问题的日益突出,环境外交的重要性逐渐提升。当前在“一带一路”背景下,中国顶层设计有道、沿线国家与中国开展环境合作的愿望强烈、技术和项目等方面现实需求的存在及拥有多层次的合作机制,中国环境外交被赋予了大量契机。不过,在“一带一路”背景下推进环境外交仍存在一些困境,表现在政策的多元化、脆弱不均的环境现状及地缘政治的挑战。为此,中国可以从完善环境政策体系、深化环境合作机制、加强与沿线国家的战略对接及发挥传媒优势四个维度加以应对。  相似文献   
102.
地处黄河中上游的宁夏,依黄河而生,因黄河而兴。在千百年的农业劳动实践中,宁夏各族群众依黄河之利,创立了包括工程类、特产类、物种类、聚落类和民俗类等在内的各项传统农耕文化遗产。这些传统农耕文化遗产在有效节约水土资源、维护生物多样性、保障粮食安全、改良土壤环境、修复生态环境和塑造乡风文明、推进农村社会治理等方面发挥了重要作用,体现了独特的动态保护思想和农业可持续发展理念。  相似文献   
103.
Parliamentary oversight is a key determinant of corruption levels. This article presents research findings on parliamentary oversight in two Caribbean countries: Trinidad & Tobago and Grenada. Our results cast doubt on the results of previous research and also indicate that certain facets of ‘the Westminster’ system need to be relaxed, to reflect contextual reality in smaller island economies. Political will to adopt our recommended reforms is critical, but, as in other countries, inertia often dominates the political environment. Until citizens demand that their elected representatives establish various oversight and anti-corruption mechanisms and ensure these mechanisms are free of political influence, the institutions will be ‘window dressing’ and corrupt actions will go undeterred and unpunished.  相似文献   
104.
The purpose of this article is to assess the likely impact of the ending of the Multifibre Arrangement (MFA) on garment assembly in the Caribbean Basin. Over the last fifteen years or so garment assembly has come to represent one of the region's few economic ‘success stories’ and has accordingly helped to offset the loss of export revenue from traditional commodities such as coffee and sugar. With the ending of the MFA on 1 January 2005, however, the long‐term viability of this trade has been thrown into doubt. This article thus seeks to assess the prospects for continued garment assembly in the Caribbean Basin against the backdrop of these developments.  相似文献   
105.
Gary Williams 《圆桌》2013,102(2):135-142
Abstract

When the Marxist-Leninist New Jewel Movement seized power in Grenada in March 1979 they set about securing and defending their ‘revolution’ against the threat of a countercoup organised by the deposed Prime Minister Eric Gairy. Military aid was quick to arrive from expected allies, namely Cuba and Guyana. Grenadian Prime Minister Maurice Bishop also requested arms from Britain and the United States. The People’s Revolutionary Government’s (PRG’s) ties to Cuba and evasiveness over election plans ruled out the US providing any support. Britain remained more open-minded about the PRG’s intentions. Using recently declassified British government documents, this article will examine London’s deliberations over supplying armoured cars to Grenada. It argues that Foreign and Commonwealth Office officials focused on the bigger picture of steering the PRG away from Cuba at the cost of considering how the sale of the armoured cars to the PRG would appear to a wider audience and that the PRG’s increasingly authoritarian behaviour ultimately vetoed the sale.  相似文献   
106.
John Walton Cotman 《圆桌》2013,102(2):155-165
Abstract

The Grenada Revolution’s radical course was stamped by the bold turn to Cuba in April 1979. Cuban commitment to Maurice Bishop’s regime was crucial to its consolidation. In 1983 counter-revolution and invasion ruptured Grenada–Cuba ties and damaged Havana’s relations with Caribbean Community states. Since the demise of the Cold War, Havana’s survival strategy has prioritised regional integration and cooperation in the Americas. In the Anglophone Caribbean, Grenada has been at the centre of this rapprochement since 1993. Despite Washington’s disapproval, Grenada champions expanded ties with socialist Cuba. The rekindled alliance brings tangible mutual benefits and validates the strategy of South–South cooperation advocated by Maurice Bishop’s People’s Revolutionary Government and New Jewel Movement.  相似文献   
107.
There are political and environmental challenges in the Nile Basin. In the past, Egypt's military dominance, civil wars in Sudan and Ethiopia, and negligible use of water by upstream states muted political tensions. But demands for a fairer share of the Nile River have resurfaced, and many countries have openly defied the imposed regime, meaning the 1929 agreement between Egypt and Britain and the 1959 bilateral agreements between Egypt and Sudan. The literature suggests this can lead to both conflict and co-operation. The dominant power-based and interest-based regime theories of international relations differ in their formulation of actors or actors' preferences over outcomes. This article argues that, while the former is the most powerful tool to explain what has happened in the past, the latter theory has a much more nuanced and explanatory power in terms of what will happen in the future in the Nile Basin.  相似文献   
108.
SUMMARY

This paper proposes a model intervention to prevent relationship abuse among Caribbean and Caribbean-American adolescents. Specifically, the model partners with a high school with a strong Caribbean student population and incorporates education, prevention and intervention, as the three core components. This paper highlights the importance of working with young people in a school setting, working with young people before they have fully tackled the developmental task of defining norms of and values in relationships, utilizing culturally competent staff and specialized programming, and emphasizing the need for early intervention in the instances of adolescent relationship violence before its evolution into adult domestic violence. The model proposed serves as an outline for further development of culturally-specific and competent interventions to prevent and address relationship violence among adolescents.  相似文献   
109.
This article analyses one of the causes of migration in rural Mexico through the lens of US foreign assistance policy. US aid to Mexico – the largest migrant-sending country to the USA by far – does not sufficiently take into account the conditions of rural under-development and joblessness that encourage unauthorised migration to the USA. Instead US foreign assistance has been dominated by aid to Mexico's security agencies. This article analyses how the link between rural underdevelopment and migration-pressures has not been successfully addressed by either the Mexican or US governments. The article also analyses an innovative development project that explicitly seeks to support campesinos with the goal of reducing unauthorised migration pressures in a traditional migrant-sending rural region of Mexico.

Développement rural et migration au Mexique

Cet article analyse une des causes de la migration dans le Mexique rural à travers le prisme de la politique d'assistance étrangère des États-Unis. L'aide accordée par les États-Unis au Mexique – de loin le principal pays d'origine de migrants vers les États-Unis – ne tient pas suffisamment compte des conditions de sous-emploi et de chômage en milieu rural qui encouragent la migration non autorisée vers les États-Unis. Au lieu de cela, l'assistance étrangère des États-Unis a été dominée par l'aide accordée aux agences de sécurité du Mexique. Cet article analyse la manière dont le lien entre le sous-développement rural et les pressions de migration n'est abordé ni par le gouvernement mexicain, ni par celui des États-Unis. Cet article analyse par ailleurs un projet de développement novateur qui cherche expressément à aider les campesinos à réduire les pressions en faveur de la migration non autorisée dans une région rurale du Mexique d'où proviennent traditionnellement des migrants.

Desarrollo rural y migración en México

El presente artículo analiza una de la causas de la emigración constatada en la zona rural de México, a través de la lente de la política estadounidense de asistencia al extranjero. En este sentido, la asistencia estadounidense a México – país de origen del mayor número de migrantes a Estados Unidos – no toma en cuenta de manera suficiente las condiciones impuestas por el subdesarrollo rural y el desempleo, a partir de las cuales se ve estimulada la emigración no autorizada a Estados Unidos. Por el contrario, la asistencia estadounidense a México ha dado prioridad a la ayuda destinada a las agencias de seguridad. Este artículo sostiene que ni el gobierno de Estados Unidos, ni el de México, han analizado a profundidad la relación existente entre el subdesarrollo rural y los alicientes para emigrar. Asimismo, el artículo analiza la implementación de un proyecto de desarrollo innovador que explécitamente busca apoyar a los, con el fin de reducir las condiciones que presionan hacia la emigración de manera indocumentada.

Desenvolvimento rural e migração no México

Este artigo analisa uma das causas de migração na zona rural do México sob a ótica da política de assistência estrangeira dos EUA. A ajuda dos EUA e do México – de longe o país que mais envia imigrantes para os EUA– não leva suficientemente em conta as condições do subdesenvolvimento rural e falta de trabalho que incentivam a imigração não-autorizada para os EUA. Em vez disto, a assistência estrangeira dos EUA tem sido dominada por ajuda a agências de segurança do México. Este artigo analisa como a conexão entre o subdesenvolvimento rural e a pressão por migração não são abordadas pelo governo mexicano nem pelo governo dos EUA. O artigo também analisa um projeto de desenvolvimento inovador na zona rural do Méxicoque explicitamente busca apoiar campesinos com o objetivo de reduzir a pressão da migração não autorizada em uma região rural tradicional em enviar imigrantes do México.  相似文献   

110.
Communities in southern Belize have among the poorest health outcomes in the region, including high rates of under-nutrition. In response, an NGO school garden programme has been initiated to improve health and nutrition. An analysis of the programme as it relates to home garden practices and diet in two Q'eqchi' Maya communities illustrates the complexity of challenges faced by NGOs. Most notable are issues of legitimacy, cultural appropriateness, self-interest, and constructed conceptions of their target communities, all of which raise the question of what is more important: autonomous and healthy communities or the preservation of the NGO programme?

« Ils ne font pas de jardinage, ici » : constructions d'une ONG des pratiques de jardinage mayas au Belize

Les communautés du sud du Belize affichent certains des pires résultats de la région en matière de santé, y compris un taux élevé de sous-nutrition. Pour remédier à cette situation, un programme de potagers scolaires mené par une ONG a été lancé pour améliorer la santé et la nutrition. Une analyse du programme du point de vue de ses liens avec les pratiques de culture de potagers familiaux et le régime de deux communautés mayas Q'eqchi’ illustre la complexité des défis auxquels sont confrontés les ONG. Les questions les plus notables sont celles de la légitimité, du caractère approprié sur le plan culturel, de l'intérêt propre, et des conceptions construites de leurs communautés cibles, autant de questions qui soulèvent celle de savoir ce qui est plus important : des communautés autonomes et en bonne santé ou la préservation du programme de l'ONG?

“Aquí no realizan jardinería”: construcciones de ong en torno a las prácticas de jardinería de los indígenas mayas de Belice

Las comunidades del sur de Belice muestran algunos de los peores resultados de salud en la región, entre los que se incluye una alta tasa de desnutrición. Con el objetivo de mejorar la salud y de combatir la desnutrición, varias ong impulsaron un programa de jardines escolares. Una evaluación del programa en torno a las prácticas de jardinería en el hogar y a la dieta de dos comunidades maya q'eqchi’, ilustra la complejidad de los retos enfrentados por las ong. Entre los más destacados se encuentran temas de legitimidad, de idoneidad cultural, de interés egoísta y de conceptos construidos por las ong respecto a sus comunidades destinatarias. Estos retos provocan la reflexión en relación a si es preferible tener comunidades autónomas y sanas o conservar programas de ong.

“Eles não cultivam hortas aqui”: promoção de práticas maias de jardinagem por uma ONG em Belize

Comunidades do sul de Belize estão entre as que possuem os mais baixos indicadores de saúde da região, incluindo altas taxas de desnutrição. Em resposta ao problema, um programa de horta escolar de uma ONG foi criado para melhorar a saúde e nutrição. Uma análise do programa no que se refere a práticas de cultivo de horta doméstica e dieta em duas comunidades maias de Q'eqchi ilustra a complexidade dos desafios enfrentados pelas ONGs. Os pontos que mais chamam atenção são as questões de legitimidade, adequação cultural, interesse próprio e concepções construídas sobre suas comunidades-alvo. Tudo isso suscita a questão sobre o que é mais importante: comunidades autônomas e saudáveis ou a preservação do programa de ONG?  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号