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31.
The author analyzes the development of domestic service in Bremen and Liverpool as two examples of major commercial ports in the 19th century characterized by significant merchant wealth and casual, dock-related employment. The migration pattern and age structure of domestic servants are examined and key aspects of their employment history are explored in terms of residential location, length of service, and social background of their employers. Census data are used for both port cities (drawing, in particular on the relational database currently being constructed for the Liverpool Mercantile Project), together with the Bremen civil registers for marriages and deaths, and qualitative material, such as diaries and autobiographies from members of the merchant class. By developing an explicitly comparative analysis within the framework of an established typology the article provides a basis for assessing the extent to which the nature of domestic service in the two port cities, as well as the recruitment and retention of domestic servants, was determined by similarities in the growth of merchant wealth and culture or by distinct regional or national characteristics in the underlying pattern of urban migration. 相似文献
32.
Marjoke A. Oosterom 《冲突、安全与发展》2016,16(1):75-101
The Acholi region of Uganda was deeply affected by the war between the Lord’s Resistance Army and the Government of Uganda from the late 1980s to 2006. This article presents qualitative case-study research of how citizen engagement evolved during the conflict and period of internal displacement, analysing the mechanisms through which violent conflict affected the sense and practice of citizenship. The findings show that the securitisation of local institutions and the militarisation of the public sphere limited the opportunity for learning the practice of citizenship. In the post-conflict situation, perceptions and behaviours that developed during the conflict period persist among the Acholi. Finally, the experience of protracted conflict has a negative impact on a sense of citizenship, which weakens the confidence of the Acholi people to engage with the state. With practices of citizenship limited by inexperience and a sense of citizenship that is characterised by alienation, the Acholi find it difficult to hold state actors to account. This demonstrates the need for a clear understanding of the continued fragility of citizenship after violent conflict. 相似文献
33.
Rhys Andrews Richard Cowell James Downe Steve Martin David Turner 《Local Government Studies》2013,39(4):489-507
Civic-republican theories suggest that an active citizenry is associated with community cohesion, better political institutions and inclusive democratic decision making. The influence of these arguments on the UK Labour government has led policy makers to focus attention on strategies to promote citizenship at a local level. In particular, English local authorities are expected to provide ‘support for citizenship’ as part of their wider duty to promote ‘effective community engagement’. The ways in which they can do this are various, ranging from the simple provision of information to direct support for community networks and groups. This article reports the findings of an extensive study of English councils' efforts to engage, educate and empower local citizens. The paper concludes that although local authorities have made significant progress in recent years in widening the structures for communicating with, and engaging citizens, there remains considerable scope for improving activities that address the learning implications of effective citizenship. 相似文献
34.
Latino Adolescents’ Civic Development in the United States: Research Results from the IEA Civic Education Study 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Judith Torney-Purta Carolyn H. Barber Britt Wilkenfeld 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2007,36(2):111-125
Many studies have reported gaps between Latino and non-Latino adolescents in academic and political outcomes. The current
study presents possible explanations for such gaps, both at the individual and school level. Hierarchical linear modeling
is employed to examine data from 2,811 American ninth graders (approximately 14 years of age) who had participated in the
IEA Civic Education study. Analyses of large data bases enable the consideration of individual characteristics and experiences,
as well as the context of classrooms and schools. In comparison with non-Latino students, Latino adolescents report more positive
attitudes toward immigrants’ rights but have lower civic knowledge and expected civic participation. These differences were
apparent even when controlling for language, country of birth, and political discussions with parents. School characteristics
that explain a portion of this gap include open classroom climate and time devoted to study of political topics and democratic
ideals. Results are discussed within the framework of developmental assets and political socialization. Implications for educational
policy and ways to use large data sets are also discussed.
相似文献
Britt WilkenfeldEmail: |
35.
Alexander Fink 《Child & Youth Services》2015,36(1):56-78
Much historical and contemporary writing lauds the Citizenship Schools of the Civil Rights Movement, and the Highlander Folk School that supported them, as major players in the struggle to educate Black people across the South as citizens and voters. However, little scholarly literature explores the pedagogical and programmatic elements of these community-driven schools or the ways these schools provided an infrastructure to the movement. Drawing from archival research, this article examines these schools and connects their educational methods to the successes of the Civil Rights Movement. It names ways these methods influenced present practice in youth work for social change while also identifying the ways that many of the practices of these schools have been ignored or lost in contemporary youth work. It concludes by identifying from this work 9 questions youth workers can pose to orient their youth work toward social and racial justice. 相似文献
36.
Stacey L. Hunt 《Citizenship Studies》2017,21(1):68-84
Wracked by crime and violence, Bogotá, Colombia adopted a unique urban security policy in 1998 called Mission Bogotá (MB). MB identifies the poor as ‘at risk’ of being violent. The program seeks to decrease crime by employing the poor and educating them on entrepreneurial urban citizenship, fomenting their sense of belonging to the city, a good work ethic, conflict resolution skills, and cosmopolitanism. Participants are then employed as citizen ‘guides,’ modeling their citizenship skills in public in order to instill exemplary citizenship in others by example. There is no evidence that MB reduces either crime or poverty. Nevertheless, the program establishes norms for ideal citizenship and structures the relationship between state and society. Based on one year of ethnographic research, I argue that MB uses pedagogy as a technology of governance to transfer responsibility for security provision from the state to society by making citizens responsible for their own security provision. 相似文献
37.
Marco Zoppi 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2018,36(1):54-70
This paper is concerned with the theoretical analysis of the legitimacy challenges faced by the federalist structure of the Somali state, as established with the 2012 constitution. Understanding federalism in Somalia, I argue, is not a simple question of political power distribution: there is also a dichotomy between a predominant European-based conceptualisation of the state and the bulk of often-neglected Somali notions of communitarian organisation, to which the clan is a part. If the decentralised structure of clans in Somali tradition seems to realise a certain convergence with the current federalist project, the dichotomy is rather evident when it comes to the definition of ‘(civil) society’ in Somalia. Thus, in order to assess both the progression of the federalist project, more than four years after its launch, and the factual legitimacy it holds among the Somali population, this paper will focus on the complex relation between state and citizens. 相似文献
38.
田毅松 《江苏行政学院学报》2011,(6):5-10
中国正在经历着剧烈的社会转型,处在建立一个富强、民主、文明、和谐的社会主义现代化国家的关键期.社会主义市场经济体制的完善、民主政治制度的发展以及和谐社会的构建,不仅仅需要个体道德品质的提升,更需要公民意识的培养,只有这样才能满足社会发展的需要.中国的公民意识及其教育不能照抄照搬国外的经验,而是应该在批判的基础上借鉴和吸... 相似文献
39.
《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(8-9):941-964
Abstract In line with the global trend of “reinventing governance” based on market‐driven policies and structures, South Asian countries have adopted some major reforms in governance during the recent two decades. While this market‐led shift in governance is largely intended to enhance its performance in terms of greater efficiency and quality, there is a tendency to overlook its implications for the rights and entitlements of citizens in these countries. The article examines the basic tenets or features of this transition in governance, encompassing the replacement of public sector by private sector and the transformation of public management based on business principles. The main objective, however, is to examine the critical impacts of this new mode of governance on the political and social rights of citizens in South Asia. The article concludes by stressing the need for paying adequate attention to citizenship rights in pursuing such reforms in governance. 相似文献
40.
现代民族国家的治理面对多元文化和全球化的双重挑战,实现多元社会的整合与稳定是民族国家必须面对的问题。哈贝马斯将其交往行动理论向政治哲学领域推进的过程中倡导话语政治与商谈民主。借用哈贝马斯对民族和民族国家的解读,解析公民身份与宪法爱国主义,有助于解决民族国家内部蕴含着的普遍主义与特殊主义之矛盾、共和主义与民族主义之张力。 相似文献