排序方式： 共有102条查询结果，搜索用时 15 毫秒
61.
仇立平 《江苏行政学院学报》2011,(3):65-70
现阶段,中国共产党已成为代表包括工人阶级在内的全体人民利益的政党.执政党要代表全体人民利益,就必须在合作主义的框架下建立不同阶级阶层或利益集团的博弈机制,而构建阶级阶层合作机制则在于:社会目标的认同必须以社会公正、公平为基础;执政党顺应多元化社会要求,通过法律强化社会整合功能,并巩固自己的合法性;社会管理从统治走向... 相似文献
62.
张宏宇 《浙江青年专修学院学报》2007,(2):57-58
“两课”教师是高校进行“三个代表”重要思想教育,“三进”工作的直接组织者、承担者和重要推动者。故“两课”教师素质在“三进”工作中起着至关重要的作用。“两课”教师应要不断提高思想政治素质、理论素养和业务水平。 相似文献
63.
中产阶层政治动向研究述评 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
陈金英 《上海行政学院学报》2012,13(4):104-111
中国中产阶层政治动向的研究,大体上存在通过问卷和访谈观察中产阶层民主意识和研究中产阶层集体性政治活动两种方法。在中产阶层的政治态度上,学界存在三种观点:总体保守、比较激进、缺乏统一性;在政治功能上,也存在中产阶级是社会政治稳定的基础、社会变革的基础、社会发展中的异化力量三种不同结论。当前中产阶层政治动向的研究应当在研究对象上重视边缘中产阶层的政治动向;在研究问题上关注中间阶层政治态度及其社会政治功能是否发生演化;在研究领域上重点关注网络时代公共事件中中产阶层的政治参与。 相似文献
64.
朱丽荣 《福建省社会主义学院学报》2011,(5):42-45
做好新的社会阶层人士的思想政治工作对于构建和谐社会、完善统一战线有非常重要的意义。分析目前我国新的社会阶层人士思想政治工作的难点及存在的问题,对于做好这项工作是必要的。只有把握时代性、提高系统性、强化针对性、保证有效性、体现服务性才能提高新的社会阶层人士思想政治工作的成效。 相似文献
65.
农民工我国现代化大生产的产物。由于历史、制度等因素,使他们对自己缺乏工人阶级的意识,以及自己是工人阶级新成员的认同。为此,加强对农民工的阶级意识教育,增强农民工的阶级归属感,是发展构建和谐社会的一个亟待解决的问题。 相似文献
66.
Joe Bennett 《社会征候学》2016,26(3):250-264
ABSTRACTCritical theorists such as Slavoj ?i?ek have for some years discussed the ideological significance of cynical or “blank” irony in fairly general terms. Less attention has been paid to the practical implications of such irony for critical semiotic analysis. With this in mind, this paper discusses the problems that sexist and “classist” jokes – specifically jokes about “chavs” – pose for the critical analyst. On the one hand, they seem to be saying deeply ideological things. On the other, their ironic nature means that they evade the claim that they are really saying, asserting, meaning anything. Theirs is a kind of blank irony which can be identified in all kinds of contemporary semiotic practice and is therefore an important phenomenon for critical analysts to get to grips with. The paper attempts to get to grips with it by outlining some semiotic clues to blank irony, and, more importantly, by suggesting some ways in which we might try to bring a critical perspective to bear in cases of cynical irony. 相似文献
67.
Paul Healy 《当代亚洲杂志》2013,43(4):535-559
It has been argued frequently that Mao Zedong's thought is a significant departure from classical Marxism. This break, usually dated from the mid-1950s, supposedly occurred in two areas. First, the primacy of the economic characteristic of orthodox Marxism was replaced by a “voluntarism,” which emphasised politics and consciousness. Secondly, whereas classes are defined in economic terms in the classical Marxist tradition, Mao defined them by reference to political behaviour and ideological viewpoint. This definition derives from the primacy Mao is said to have accorded to the superstructure. This article rejects the second of these interpretations and argues that a fundamental continuity exists between Mao's post-1955 propositions on classes and class struggle and those advanced by orthodox Marxism. In conformity with classical Marxism, Mao conceived of classes as economic categories. Further, both Mao and classical Marxism saw classes as active participants in class struggle in the superstructure called into being by the contradiction between the forces and relations of production. Finally, Mao shared with orthodox Marxism the idea that economic classes are represented in the superstructure by a range of political agencies and ideological forms. 相似文献
68.
《Labor History》2012,53(6):676-691
AbstractThe labor strike of 13 May 1998 was an historic event for the New York Taxi Workers Alliance (NYTWA). Under the leadership of Bhairavi Desai, 98% of New York City’s 24,000 yellow cab drivers refused to work. The strike disrupted the flow of city life, but it also shattered the belief that taxi drivers were atomized and therefore unable to organize, effectively exercise power, or earn basic working rights for themselves. This unprecedented strike was thus an act of self-assertion for taxicab drivers in the 1990s, who were predominantly of South Asian origin and had been victims of unjust violence and discrimination in the city. This article questions how immigrant taxi cab drivers came to cooperate with one another in the late nineties to fight for fair wages. It also explores how members of the NYTWA overcame class disparities and ethnic differences among themselves to serve common goals. 相似文献
69.
姚茂权 《中共铜仁地委党校学报》2011,(2)
在社会主义社会,阶级矛盾已经不是主要矛盾,但长期在阶级社会中所形成的文化传统、思想意识还将继续影响社会生活,加上国际上资产阶级的影响,阶级斗争还将在一定范围内长期存在。运用毛泽东阶级分析法观察分析带阶级性的社会现象具有十分重要的现实意义。 相似文献
70.
马克思和恩格斯都是共产主义者,而不是社会主义者.中国特色的社会主义与修正主义者的社会主义之间的最大区别在于:前者以共产主义作为奋斗目标,后者只承认社会主义,不承认共产主义.中国要打造中等收入群体,这同修正主义者制造中产阶级有着原则区别.共同富裕是可能的,人人都变成资本家却是修正主义者的幻想.只有... 相似文献