Cold War Currents and Chinese Émigré Intellectuals, 1949–1960

Abstract

Chinese émigré intellectuals who fled from the mainland before 1950 have long been a popular research topic within Chinese academia. While most existing literature tends to attribute the formation of the thought of these émigrés to various domestic factors, this article takes a new angle on the émigrés—putting their thinking in the context of the Cold War. Assessing the impact of anti-Communist Cold War currents on various Chinese émigré intellectuals, this study suggests that not all émigrés succumbed to these currents. Some were convinced by anti-utopian trends in the West and turned against all kinds of socialism. Some remained consistent in their socialist beliefs in the face of the Communist threat. Some perceived an urgent need to revive the Confucian tradition so as to counteract Communist expansion. Cold War currents were influential in the thought of some émigré intellectuals, but such an influence was rather limited.     

Finding the missing and unknown: Novel educational approaches to warming up cold cases

In recent years, students in police academies and higher education institutions around the world have worked together to analyse cold cases including long-term missing persons cases in collaboration with investigators and prosecutors. In 2020, three European organisations, the Police Expert Network on Missing Persons (PEN-MP), AMBER Alert Europe and Locate International, succeeded in connecting these educational organisations enabling them to work collectively on cases and conduct cold case analyses (CCA) across international borders. The International Cold Case Analysis Project (ICCAP) learning objectives were to 1) collect the necessary information about the victim, 2) reconstruct the crime, and 3) investigate trace control.In a learning objective-based evaluation using Computer-Assisted Web Interviewing, 76 participating students from the German and International ICCAP teams were asked to complete a pre- and post-review questionnaire to self-assess their personal competence development. Participants reported significant increases in competence in all evaluated areas, thus demonstrating that authentic and relevant collaborations can enrich the learning environment, promote the use of professional skills, and provide significant knowledge exchange opportunities between academia and industry.Drawing on case studies of cold case missing persons' investigations and unidentified found remains, this article shares how university academics, students and community volunteers can work together nationally and internationally to find out what has happened to missing people and how we can more effectively identify the previously unidentified. In so doing, we share the expertise required to progress these cold cases and provide recommendations to support other institutions and organisations in adopting this innovative approach.     

国际形势的回顾和展望--写在2005年行将结束的时候

2005年除中日关系更加复杂外,大国关系相对平稳;全球主要热点特别是伊拉克和中东地区的紧张局势仍在持续;恐怖主义活动还在全球蔓延;在经济领域,全球经济仍保持着快速增长的态势,其中东亚仍然是发展最快的地区.此外,2005年的国际形势还有4大特点一是一场关于如何看待和应对中国崛起的大辩论正在全球范围内展开;二是自然灾害贯穿全年,可谓"天灾年";三是发展问题更加突显;四是和平、发展、合作正在成为一股不可抗拒的历史潮流.中国已经成为推动全球和平、发展、合作的重要力量.展望2006年,国际形势的上述特点还会继续表现出来.     

Regional Arrangements as Agents of the UN Security Council: Some African and European Organisations Contrasted

The increased burden placed upon the UN Security Council in the post-Cold War era in respect of its discharge of its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security has fuelled calls for the greater use of regional arrangements as agents of the Council, to relieve its burden. However, the various agendas and capabilities of different arrangements make it difficult to adopt a uniform template of the role which regional arrangements can play as conductors of peace support operations authorised by the Security Council. This article attempts to provide a framework against which the potential role of different arrangements as viable agents to which the Security Council can entrust military enforcement operations, before going on to assess how selected African and European organisations fare against this framework. It will be demonstrated that when assessed against this framework, the organisations selected for comparison are remarkably similar.

文化冷战与华侨华人:美国对东南亚华侨华人的宣传渗透

美国在冷战时期对华侨华人的文化冷战是冷战国际史学界最新的一个研究领域,是美国对外宣传史、华侨华人史、中美关系史三个领域交叉的产物。美国对华侨华人的文化冷战经历了从中国政策向东南亚政策的转变,以香港美国新闻处为核心宣传机构实行遥控指挥,并把《今日世界》杂志为代表的书刊纸媒作为主要传媒手段。美国对华侨华人文化冷战的主题和项目主要集中在四个方面:利用传统文化促进台湾声誉,利用文学作品进行反共宣传,用华裔美国人的形象宣传美国价值观,和台湾合作与中国大陆争夺侨生教育。美国对华侨华人的宣传主要并不集中在对政治、外交事件和美国政策的报道和阐释上,而是把重点投注在意识形态、价值观和情感的塑造上,其根本观念以及核心的宣传思路是直接诉诸塑造华人身份认同,把冷战意识形态建构为华侨华人身份认同的一部分,此举于今仍有影响。研究美国对华侨华人的文化冷战,对认识和理解当前的中美关系和大国竞争态势可以提供一定的镜鉴。     

美国与巴基斯坦关系的改善及其制约因素

冷战后,巴基斯坦在美国外交中的战略地位明显下降,特朗普上台后更是重印轻巴,推出了高度重视印度的南亚战略和印太战略,对巴基斯坦则实行极限施压政策以逼其加大反恐力度。美国的政策变化引起了巴基斯坦政府和民众的不满与抵制,两国间出现激烈的外交纷争,美巴关系陷入僵局。然而,巴基斯坦在美国的阿富汗战争和外交战略中处于不可忽视的地位,并且巴基斯坦是具有一定的对美反制能力的地区强国,特朗普政府在更为重要的阿富汗和谈问题上需要得到巴基斯坦的帮助。在权衡利弊后,特朗普政府调整对巴基斯坦政策,从以压促变调整为拉拢利用,美巴关系随之从高度紧张走向逐渐缓和。然而,美巴在短期利益和长远战略上都存在难以弥合的矛盾和分歧,双边关系发展缺乏坚实的合作基础和长远计划,两国在主要的共同利益——阿富汗政治和解方面存在目标和利益差异。此外,美印关系不断提升,使美巴双边关系的进一步发展困难重重。美国不愿放弃在巴基斯坦及邻近地区的战略利益,短期内会维持美巴合作,但从长远看,众多挑战和制约因素使两国关系存在较大的不确定性。美巴关系的走向不仅影响到南亚局势,还会冲击到我国的周边安全、中巴关系的发展以及"一带一路"倡议的推进,应当密切关注。     

20世纪末社会主义的"隆中对"--纪念邓小平南方谈话发表10周年

1992年春,邓小平同志视察南方三省四市,行万里路,与地方领导多次谈话,深切关注社会主义的前途命运问题。这就是20世纪90年代影响深远的社会主义“隆中对”。它回答了当代社会主义发展的一系列重大问题。     

Discordant Allies: Trans-Tasman Relations in the Aftermath of the ANZUS Treaty, 1951–1955

Contrary to popular belief, the conclusion of the 1951 ANZUS Treaty did little to encourage an immediate closer political relationship between Australia and New Zealand. The Tasman powers disagreed on major strategic issues and cooperation was minimal (and in some cases entirely absent). Focusing on the development of trans-Tasman relations between 1951 and 1955, this article examines Australian and New Zealand views pertaining to the scope and implementation of the ANZUS Treaty, proposals for the Five Power Staff Agency in Southeast Asia, the “United Action” proposal during the 1954 Indochina Crisis and the “Operation Oracle” project during the 1954–1955 Quemoy–Matsu Crisis. This article advances the conclusion that Australia and New Zealand mainly disagreed on these issues due to competing views about their respective political relationships with the United States and Britain. In other words, in the immediate post-treaty period, closer trans-Tasman political relations were ultimately hindered by strong divisions over accepting the United States instead of Britain as the cornerstone of their respective foreign policies.