当前立法工作尚需注意的几个问题

自党的十三届四中全会以来 ,我国立法工作不断取得新的进展 ,成绩较为显著。但离社会发展和人民需要还有一定差距 ,从当前的立法工作角度看 ,有些问题尚需注意。     

全国人大及其常委会违宪审查程序研究——由《城市流浪乞讨人员收容遣送办法》被废止谈起

违宪审查程序设计对违宪审查的有效实施具有举足轻重的作用.我国<立法法>在全国人大常委会的违宪审查程序上存在着诸多阙失.通过对全国人大常委会违宪审查程序进行分析,提出相应的改革建议.     

深刻领会十六大精神全力做好公安保卫工作

十六大报告是全面建设小康社会 ,加快我国现代化建设的伟大纲领。我们必须深刻领会十六大精神 ,全力做好各项公安保卫工作。这就要牢固树立“稳定压倒一切”的思想 ,始终如一地抓好维护稳定的各项措施 ;保卫和服务于执政兴国第一要务 ,为经济建设创造安全环境 ;始终保持与时俱进的精神状态 ,积极推进公安工作创新 ;大力加强公安队伍建设 ,切实做到管好队伍不发生问题 ,干好工作让群众满意。     

用十六大精神积极建设警察文化

党的十六大第一次把文化标准作为党的先进性的重要标志之一 ,为繁荣和发展警察文化指明了方向。公安机关必须以“三个代表”为指针 ,大力营造和建设当代警察文化 ,努力提高广大公安民警的文化素养 ,为新时期更好地完成公安机关的历史使命提供精神动力和智力支持。     

论党的八大对执政党先进性建设的理论贡献

党的八大总结党的七大以来特别是建国初期党执政七年来的历史经验,在加强执政党的先进性建设方面作出了突出的理论贡献,即加强执政党的政治路线、思想路线、组织原则、工作作风和党员队伍的先进性建设,保持执政党政治、思想、组织、作风和党员的先进性。     

Policy Change,Policy Feedback,and Interest Mobilization: The Politics of Nuclear Waste Management

Many of the leading theories of the policy process are aimed at providing insights into the factors that make policy change more (or less) likely. In general, policy change is seen as a result of shifting dynamics within policy subsystems. However, building on theories of policy feedback and interest mobilization, this article examines whether policy change, apart from being an effect of subsystem dynamics, can be a cause of shifting dynamics as latent actors are motivated to participate in the subsystem as a result of policy change. Two hypotheses regarding post‐policy change mobilization are developed and tested using data on participation in congressional hearings concerning the management of nuclear waste. The findings suggest that policy change can activate latent policy actors, specifically those actors that view themselves as “losing” as a result of the policy change. These results point to the need for scholars to examine the potential impacts of post‐policy change dynamics on policy development.     

The executive on the battlefield: government amendments and cartel theory in the Chilean Congress

This article argues that cartelised coordination inside Chilean congressional committees is important for understanding the success rates of presidential initiatives. By way of an analysis of the amendment process undertaken both in the Chamber and Senate committees in the Chilean Congress during 2006–10, the authors review the approval patterns of legislative amendments. The analysis suggests two chief findings: coordination between government parties and the executive is crucial for the success of amendment; and the opposition’s success in generating legal transformations depends on the construction of inter-coalition alliances. It is hoped that the perspective offered here will contribute to the current literature on cartel party theory in Latin America.     

The Private Interests of Public Officials: Financial Regulation in the US Congress

Legislators' private financial holdings affect policy decisions. Due to financial self‐interest, we theorize that legislators whose personal investment portfolios include equities from firms affected by proposed policies vote for legislation that benefits those firms. We also theorize that legislators with greater personal exposure to equity investments support policies that benefit equities markets generally. We create a novel data set of legislators' personal stock investments and examine major congressional actions since the 1990s on financial deregulation and market intervention. US House members who own stocks in firms who benefit from financial deregulation vote for deregulation. House members with greater exposure to financial and automotive stocks support the financial and auto bailouts, respectively. General exposure to equities markets is also associated with support for key legislation boosting markets. The normative implications are significant, as legislators' private interests influence decisions in the public sphere.     

中国“宪政”问题探析

英美等西方资本主义国家的宪政实践为各国效仿,中国亦开始建设社会主义法治国家。如何看待西方宪政制度,如何认识中国自己的政治,又如何看待法治与宪政的关系,是中国建设社会主义法治国家走向宪政道路时,必须认识的一些基本问题。     

Moderate Caucuses in a Polarised US Congress

Despite putting themselves in a thorny relationship with heavy-handed party leaders, some US legislators continue to join moderate coalitions. To understand why, this article derives seven explicit hypotheses concerning electoral, institutional, and strategic dimensions and tests them on two moderate coalitions from the 107th to the 110th Congress (2001–8): the Republican Main Street Partnership and the New Democrat Coalition, along with the Senate's ‘Gang of 14’ during the 109th Congress (2005–6). The article finds that, as expected, a member's ideology and previous affiliation strongly predict who joins these caucuses. What is surprising from the findings is that the constituencies' partisanship does not always predict the legislators' decision to be a moderate caucus member. There is little evidence that more electorally vulnerable members join these caucuses; on the contrary, when it does matter, members from competitive districts appear to stay away from moderate coalitions. Therefore, the findings call into question the prevailing ‘constituency-based’ understanding of moderate coalition membership in a polarised Congress and call for a new examination of electoral connection between moderate members and moderate caucuses.