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131.
The attitudes of leaders toward their personal future are very important to domestic and international politics. These views are particularly vital in the case of leaders of non-democratic regimes who could face legal prosecution for their corrupt acts or violations of human rights in their own country and abroad. In spite of these fears, however, the leaders in many authoritarian societies trespass laws, both domestic and international, in order to preserve their power and enrich their families. They expose themselves to the danger of the prosecution after they leave office or lose control of the regime. In this context, the author pays special attention to Vladimir Putin's political future and to the developments in Russia, which favor and disfavor his continued stay in power after 2008.  相似文献   
132.
马克思、恩格斯关于东方社会的理论包括俄国农民陷入了极其贫困、无法忍受的状况,东方专制制度建立在农民生活的孤立性及彼此隔绝状态的基础上,俄国的"农村公社"面临瓦解的危险,不排除俄国走新式道路的可能性,俄国革命即将爆发并且它将改变俄国和世界的面貌等内容.他们的理论为以后理论的产生和发展起到了奠基的作用,在它的基础上才有以后东方社会理论的发展.关于马克思、恩格斯没有东方社会理论的观点是不正确的.  相似文献   
133.
尽管欧美国家进行了一次又一次警务革命,但最终不能建立起象社会主义中国一样的警民关系。新形势下,中国的刑事犯罪呈上升势头,社会治安状况日趋复杂,公安机关要以改革的精神,运用激励机制,为公安工作贯彻群众路线增添新的生机和活力;密切警民关系,努力探索群众工作的新方法;架设警民之间“理解桥”;重视警民关系建设,让群众真正满意。  相似文献   
134.
二月革命时期,西伯利亚地区出现了各种各样的团体和机构,其中公共安全委员会占有重要地位。它主要是由社会民主党人流放犯和社会革命党人创建并掌控的。它在第一时间宣布夺取沙皇地方政权,其执行委员会是实际上的地方行政管理机关。公共安全委员会在接管沙皇政权、维护社会秩序、体现人民民主等方面发挥了积极的作用,保证了二月革命在西伯利亚的顺利完成。  相似文献   
135.
In 'El ejercicio de pensar'(the exercise of thinking), Fernando Martínez Heredia ( El Caimán Barbudo 1967: 2–5) made reference to the words of Enrique Varona to describe what, in his view, was the appropriate role of the intellectual in the Cuban Revolution. Varona had argued that thinking was a rare human trait as it went against basic desires that preferred dogmas to ideas. Martínez Heredia's position on the role of the intellectual would have a prophetic character, for, soon after, given responsibility for the direction of the newly created Department of Philosophy at the University of Havana, he led a young group of academics gathered around the journal Pensamiento Crítico . In their heyday, both the group and their publication came to be identified with the concept of the revolutionary (and the Revolution's) intellectual. This article examines the formative process of this new, politically committed, intellectual in the Revolution and explores the role played by this group in the intervening years, including the special relationship it established with the European New Left.  相似文献   
136.
近10年来,辛亥革命时期的妇女运动研究取得了可喜的进展,在有关宏观性研究以及女子报刊、女子教育、女权思潮、女子参政和人物研究方面均发表了很多有价值的论文,提出了不少有见地的观点。但是,研究中也存在一些问题和不足,需要今后加以改进。  相似文献   
137.
群众路线是党将马克思主义基本原理运用于中国革命实践的伟大创造,是党的理论、路线、方针和政策应有之义,体现了党的性质与宗旨,是党的根本工作路线、工作方法和宝贵经验总结。党根据不同时期的目标和任务,将群众路线创造性运用,赢得了民族的独立和人民的解放,走上了社会主义道路,取得了改革开放的伟大成就。在改革开放的新时期,只有坚持群众路线,才能永葆党的生机和活力,取得中国特色社会主义的伟大胜利。  相似文献   
138.
ABSTRACT

Most scholars have not taken Cuban-American terrorism in the 1970s seriously, despite the unprecedented campaign of terror it unleashed. Borrowing a framework of self-identity usually applied to other terrorist groups and using case studies of the Cuban Nationalism Movement in New Jersey and of Alpha 66 in Florida, this article argues that Cuban-American political ideology was the key to its impact and its support from communities in Florida and New Jersey. Militant exiles saw themselves as betrayed by two enemy states, entitled to rule in their homeland, and imbued with a mission of civilizational renewal. In these ways, Cuban-American terrorists were similar to the Taliban in Afghanistan and their reign of terror in the 1970s should be appreciated as a major episode in the history of U.S. and global terrorism.  相似文献   
139.
Terrorist studies rarely discuss activities before the invention of dynamite, which made modern terror possible. One important, interesting, and forgotten form is the mob terror campaign. Two significant successful American examples are examined and compared, “The Sons of Liberty” which ignited the American Revolution, and the Ku Klux Klan, which “won the peace” the South wanted after it lost the Civil War. The study concludes by briefly comparing modern with mob terror.  相似文献   
140.
This article compares causes and mechanisms of the mass mobilizations which took place in Kyrgyzstan in 2005 and 2010. The upheavals of 2005, the so called “Tulip Revolution,” led to the ousting of President Akaev who was replaced by Kurmanbek Bakiev. In 2010, Bakiev himself had to flee the country after violent social upheavals. As this analysis shows, the causes for both series of events were similar: neopatrimonial rule and the elite's control of resources together with oppressive tactics stirred up discontent among wide parts of the population and instigated violent protest. The mechanisms of mass mobilization, however, differed considerably. While the revolution of 2005 was carried out as the concerted action of varied political forces and NGOs, which, supported by patronage networks and traditional institutions, offered material and solidary incentives for the crowds, the great mass of people who took part in the 2010 protests were spontaneously mobilized through purposive incentives when news of the killings spread through the media.  相似文献   
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