马克思人学范式革命的体系之维

众所周知,马克思于存在论根基处发动了一场人学革命,实现了人学范式的转换:从理论人学转向了实践人学。马克思的人学革命不是对传统人学进行细枝末节的修补,而是对人学整个理论体系的一种根本性的颠覆。这主要表现在以下一些方面:第一,人学的逻辑起点:从抽象的人转向现实的人;第二,人学的基本问题:人与世界的关系从原初分离转向原初统一;第三,人学的研究视界:从思想世界转向现实世界;第四,人学的理论基础:从唯心史观转向唯物史观;第五,人学的基本范畴:从抽象的知性概念范畴转向现实的生活概念范畴;第六,人学的理论品格:从封闭的体系人学转向开放的人学体系;第七,人学的核心功能:从注重“解释人”转向注重“改造人”。     

毛泽东在新民主主义革命时期对列宁主义的认识和运用

毛泽东在中国新民主主义革命时期高度评价了十月革命的地位和布尔什维克党的榜样作用,正确认识和运用了列宁关于革命理论重要作用的思想、关于战争的理论、关于战略退却的理论、以及关于把马克思主义同本国实际相结合的经验等等,促进了毛泽东思想的形成和中国新民主主义革命的胜利。     

马克思人学范式革命的存在之维

马克思于"存在论"的根基处发动了一场人学革命.在西方人学思想史上,实体本体论的僭妄已经成就了一种难以撼动的强大传统,西方传统人学因为本体论的错位而失去了深层的人学统帅根基,处于各种各样的困境和悖论之中.费尔巴哈开启了感性直观本体论的新境界,但这只是实体本体论的内部颠覆与造反,是从理论人学的实体本体论阶段向实践人学的现代本体论阶段过渡的中介.实体本体论的彻底"崩塌"是在马克思开辟的"感性生活本体论"这一存在论的新境界中实现的."感性生活本体论"是一种新的理路和原则,它终结了实体本体论的强大传统,克服了实体本体论的困境与悖论,开辟了一条能够通达现实的人和人的现实生命的存在论道路.     

苏维埃政权初期列宁的基层党组织建设理论与实践

十月革命胜利后,布尔什维克党掌握了国家政权,成为执政党。列宁在执政党基层组织建设中,坚持民主集中制,将共产党基层组织活动与工会、青年团等组织结合起来,由党领导其他群众组织共同发挥作用,这些理论和实践活动对苏联共产党的建设产生了深远影响。     

An undisclosed story of roses: church,state, and nation in contemporary Georgia

Since the Rose Revolution (2003), Georgia has encountered an unprecedented scale of institutional reforms concomitant with the rise of American and European involvement in the “democratization” process. Various scholars have suggested that Georgian nationalism developed from an ethno-cultural basis to a more civic/liberal orientation after the Rose Revolution. This paper analyzes Georgian nationalism under President Mikheil Saakashvili to demonstrate the significant divergence between political rhetoric on national identity, the selection of symbols, and state policy toward the Georgian Orthodox Church versus state policy toward ethnic minorities. The aim of this article is to examine the at times conflicting conceptions of national identity as reflected in the public policies of Saakashvili’s government since the Rose Revolution. It attempts to problematize the typologies of nationalism when applied to the Georgian context and suggests conceptualizing the state-driven nationalism of the post-Rose Revolution government as “hybrid nationalism” as opposed to civic or ethno-cultural.     

The great paradox: how Obama’s opening to Cuba may imperil the country’s reform process

This article examines the kind of development and political model most likely to emerge in Cuba, particularly in the wake of the gradual US–Cuban normalisation currently taking place. The rapprochement process, culminating with President Obama’s historic visit in March 2016, has unleashed stiff resistance in both countries. The liberal democratisation paradigm is held up against what we have termed ‘socialist neo-patrimonialism’, with both seen as alternative tools for assessing the direction of social transformations underway in Cuba, focusing on the debate about the role of the national private sector. Paradoxically, normalisation with the USA may so far have had the contrary effect of what President Obama had in mind in this respect: judging from the 7th Congress of the Communist Party in April 2016, it seems that resistance against economic reforms has hardened, caused by a fear that Obama’s charm offensive, combined with a strengthened entrepreneurial sector, will undermine the entire revolutionary project. The article concludes with a discussion of four development scenarios.     

The ‘philanthropic’ gene: biocapital and the new green revolution in Africa

Climate change and population growth have prompted calls for African countries to embrace a ‘new Green Revolution’ in order to promote food security. What is ‘new’ about this new Green Revolution? What configurations of capital, the state, agribusiness, and the law define this period of agricultural transition? In this new Green Revolution, I argue, there is a proliferation of new forms of capital – biocapital and philanthrocapital – that integrate biotechnology with philanthropy to create market value. These shifts are engendered by philanthropic giving, in the form of donated genetic material for the development of ‘pro-poor’ biotechnology which normalises seed as commodity, and legislative reform that renders seed patentable material.     

法国大革命中的拉法叶特

拉法叶特是法国大革命时期重要的政治活动家.从1789年大革命爆发,到1830年7月革命胜利,在40余年中,拉法叶特始终如一地坚决反对封建专制君主制,主张以资产阶级的宪法限制王权、神权和贵族特权,建立资产阶级的君主立宪制国家.他的这一政治主张,是当时大资产阶级、中等资产阶级、小资产阶级和广大人民的共同政治要求,是符合当时法国社会经济发展水平的.他的政治立场,也因此应予基本肯定.     

民初政体模式失效的宪政文化反思

辛亥革命以革命的方式取缔了封建专制制度的合法地位,制定了资产阶级性质的宪法,设计了资产阶级的政体模式,是中国历史上制度文明的一次飞跃。然而资产阶级的政体模式并没有因为其历史进步性而获得实践的合法性,民初的政体模式以失效而告终。失效的深层原因在于宪政文化没有根基。清末民初广大民众的宪政文化是缺失的,而资产阶级革命派的宪政文化总体上是异化的,这使得资产阶级政体模式因缺乏宪政文化基础而不能成功。     

Colours of a revolution. Post-communist society,global capitalism and the Ukraine crisis

Abstract

The Ukraine crisis is usually treated either as Russia’s return to the old-style empire-building (the right) or as a clash of two imperialisms (the left). However, the essence of this crisis can be understood only from the dual perspective of the consequences of the Stalinist degeneration of the Russian Revolution and the fate of the modern global capitalism. The most rotten sections of the Soviet bureaucracy moved the society to capitalism. However, this effort could secure only a peripheral (Ukraine) or at best semi-peripheral (Russia) position in the capitalist world-system as a provider of cheap raw materials. Meanwhile, modern capitalism led to world economic crisis. In these conditions, the capital of the core capitalist countries obviously decided to strengthen its control over the periphery, and Russia’s aspirations to secure its domination over the former Soviet space were in the way. To thwart them, Western powers decided to provoke a Ukraine crisis, exploiting Ukrainians’ justified indignation at the backwardness and corruption inherent in their own peripheral capitalism. Hence, a study of the properties of the post-Soviet societies and their place in the world hierarchy is the key to understanding the Ukraine crisis.