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171.
中国革命的伟大先行者孙中山先生的“五权宪法”为三民主义学说中的“民权主义”在中国的实现 ,设计出了最后的实施方案。这个方案中的独立弹劾权是他结合中国国情 ,学习研究西方先进经验之独创。在纪念辛亥革命九十周年之际 ,学习研究孙中山先生关于弹劾的思想和主张 ,对完善我国的人民代表大会制度和国家公务员制度具有极为重要的借鉴意义。  相似文献   
172.
    
《Communist and Post》2014,47(1):81-91
The 2004 Orange Revolution failed to skyrocket Ukraine into the ranks of consolidated democracies. Some previous research claimed that, in the similar case of post-Rose Revolution Georgia, its vague democratic perspectives can be explained by, among others, a negative impact of politically biased US democracy assistance programs. This article examines five groups of US programs (electoral aid, political party development, legislative strengthening, NGO development and media strengthening) implemented in Ukraine in 2005–2010, and concludes that US diplomatic support for the pro-Western “Orange” leadership did not translate into political bias of US-funded democracy assistance programs.  相似文献   
173.
沈家本与新刑律草案的伦理革命   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
《大清新刑律》是中国近代第一部西化的刑法典 ,它的“新”不仅体现在采取了西方刑法的基本制度 ,贯穿了资产阶级刑法的基本原则等方面 ,而且更重要的是导致了法律背后的伦理的变化 ,是法律的精神革命。研究沈家本与这场伦理革命的关系不仅有助于我们进一步认识沈家本对中国法律近代化的贡献以及其历史局限性 ,而且也有助于我们对中国法律现代化的性质和使命的进一步认识。  相似文献   
174.
    
This article examines the complicated food security agendas of the African Green Revolution and the food sovereignty models in Mozambique. Drawing on fieldwork conducted by the author in Mozambique in 2014 and 2015, the paper analyses how smallholder farmers engage with these two agrarian models. Whereas the literature frequently presents the African Green Revolution and the food sovereignty in oppositional frames, this paper finds that farmers in Mozambique utilize some of the tools that these models offer in complementary rather than competing ways. One such area is the use of commercial hybrid seeds and herbicides by some farmers associated with food sovereignty, an approach that runs counter to food sovereignty’s principles of agroecology. In Mozambique, farmers’ “lived experience” of food sovereignty is more a strategic response to their limited livelihood options, using whatever tools are available to them, rather than a resistance to power.  相似文献   
175.
    
Abstract

We held the ‘Revolutions’ conference in 2017 to commemorate the Russian Revolution and redeem the actual record of revolutions in the Third World for the left. A quarter-century after the demise of the USSR, we found liberal capitalist triumphalism unwarranted. Two of the most important expectations to which it gave rise – that the world had become ‘unipolar’ and that it would enjoy a ‘peace dividend’ – remained unfulfilled. Instead, the world became multipolar and the West, led by the United States, engaged in unprecedented economic and military aggression against countries that contested its power. If this were not enough, social unrest and explosions in the First World as well as the Third underlined the relevance of revolutions. To trace their lineage, we recall capitalism’s intimate relation with revolution. It has needed revolutions to usher it into history and to usher it out. In addition to revolutions against developed capitalism, we also underline how important and necessary revolutions against nascent capitalism in various parts of the world have been. The contributions in this volume explore different parts of this lineage and vivify revolutions for our time.  相似文献   
176.
    
Abstract

The Ukraine crisis is usually treated either as Russia’s return to the old-style empire-building (the right) or as a clash of two imperialisms (the left). However, the essence of this crisis can be understood only from the dual perspective of the consequences of the Stalinist degeneration of the Russian Revolution and the fate of the modern global capitalism. The most rotten sections of the Soviet bureaucracy moved the society to capitalism. However, this effort could secure only a peripheral (Ukraine) or at best semi-peripheral (Russia) position in the capitalist world-system as a provider of cheap raw materials. Meanwhile, modern capitalism led to world economic crisis. In these conditions, the capital of the core capitalist countries obviously decided to strengthen its control over the periphery, and Russia’s aspirations to secure its domination over the former Soviet space were in the way. To thwart them, Western powers decided to provoke a Ukraine crisis, exploiting Ukrainians’ justified indignation at the backwardness and corruption inherent in their own peripheral capitalism. Hence, a study of the properties of the post-Soviet societies and their place in the world hierarchy is the key to understanding the Ukraine crisis.  相似文献   
177.
    
The present study is based on a secondary-data analysis of a subsample of Cuban immigrants residing in the United States. While there are no significant differences in arrest rates between U.S. natives of Cuban descent and their foreign-born counterparts, life transitions have a differential impact on behavioral outcomes when young men and women of Cuban ancestry are compared. Job instability increases the risk of arrest for men, while being a single parent increases the risk of arrest for women. Growing up in a two-parent family and marriage have crime protective effects for men, while religiosity decreases the probability of arrest for women. In both subsamples, having a family member arrested was the strongest predictor of one’s arrest status in early adulthood.  相似文献   
178.
    
Abstract

In the space of 24 years, Ukraine has experienced three ‘revolutions’: the revolution for independence, the ‘Orange Revolution’ and the ‘Dignity Revolution’. On each occasion the event has been lauded as a triumph of democracy over authoritarianism and as evidence that Ukraine will soon be able to assume its rightful place as a free, democratic state in Europe. On two out of three occasions the reverse has occurred; while the people have taken to the streets to protest against flagrant corruption and abuse of power, the oligarchs have responded with only minor changes to the political system. The reins of political and economic power have remained firmly in their hands, and Ukraine’s prospects for political and economic development have deteriorated. The Dignity Revolution of 2014 is seen as different from preceding revolutions because civil society appeared to be much more active and it has succeeded, in part, in maintaining pressure on government for reform. It is important to understand, however, that despite periodic and dramatic demonstrations of outrage over the corrupt and authoritarian practices of the political elites, civil society has generally been classed as apathetic, weak and ineffectual. Thus, the current challenge for Ukrainian civil society is to overcome its own limitations so that it can better hold government to account.  相似文献   
179.
The rise of English capitalism is a very long historical course, during which the English revolution erupted in 1640 is a crux and critical point for the reflection on the rise of English capitalism. The British have been persistently seeking some rational interpretation of revolution and capitalism since the eruption of the British Revolution about three hundred years ago. The British people attained a set of new perspective to understand and explain the British Revolution and the rise of the English capitalism since the historical method of Marxism was introduced into Britain in the early 20th century. In terms of the hundreds of years exploration by the English, particularly the new left, holism becomes a basic view of reviewing the rise of English capitalism; the historical method of Marxism is a basic mean; the necessary breakthrough is that causes of the rise of capitalism are expanded from simple economic category to social category and taking history as a mirror and connecting tradition with reality is the fundamental aim.  相似文献   
180.
    
The proximity of Ukraine’s Orange Revolution (2004) andEuromaidan Revolution (2014) provides an opportunity to considerwhy some individuals remain active across protest cycles whileothers defect. Many social movement scholars explain differentialparticipation in terms of micro-structural, biographical, or cognitivefactors. Others rely on rational choice theories of collective actionbased on coordination. Testing competing explanations arecomplicated because the variables included in structural andagency-based models are often the same, although the underlyingcausal mechanisms are different. In this article, I argue that thekey to understanding the role of agency and structure in protestparticipation is to relax strong assumptions about the unified natureof society and consider the multiple paths to participation. Thisapproach suggests that both structural and agency-based causalmechanisms can influence political engagement depending onindividual experiences, identities, and perceptions of events.  相似文献   
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