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71.
陈漱渝 《江苏行政学院学报》2010,(2)
五四爱国运动是在五四新文化运动的催生下爆发的,它同时又扩大深化了五四新文化运动。五四新文化运动是中国的文艺复兴,是一场对民族文化进行批判和创新的运动。五四文学革命则是五四新文化运动的主要内容,其基本精神是思想自由、个性解放,也就是人的解放。 相似文献
72.
Sandro Guzzi-Heeb 《The History of the Family》2018,23(3):388-407
This paper questions the link between two major transformations observed in eighteenth century Europe: the reorganization of kinship structures and kinship solidarities on the one hand and the so-called ‘sexual revolution’ of the eighteenth century on the other, i.e. the spectacular rise of illegitimacy throughout Europe. Raising the question of this link has far-reaching theoretical implications, since the fundamental changes in kinship and sexuality have been treated so far as two independent phenomena in separate domains. The results presented in this paper refer to mountain villages of the Swiss Alps and base on genealogical data extracted from a large dynamic database called the Registre historique de la population du Valais. They suggest that the remarkable increase of close kin marriages was closely connected with changes in sexual habits and with the building of different sexual milieus. The ‘sexual revolution’ in the Entremont region was largely the issue of a few families and kin groups tending to build tightly knitted networks. In this perspective, the increase of kin marriages reflected the diversification of political and sexual milieus, characterized by different values, ideologies and attitudes. This profound diversification of life styles shows that social change did not affect local societies as a whole, but was supported by particular milieus made cohesive by privileged alliances within kin groups and by particular network patterns. 相似文献
73.
Karin Bowie 《议会、议员及代表》2018,38(3):279-292
ABSTRACTThe confirmation of a constitutional, rather than customary, right to petition the monarch in Scotland and England in 1689 has been recognized as an important precedent for modern constitutions, but the underlying forces impelling this historical transition have been less well recognized. The assertion of a constitutional right to petition the Scottish crown appeared after of decades of conflict over increasingly bold forms of collective political petitioning to crown and parliament. These innovations involved ordinary people in organized political protest, stimulating Scotland’s monarchs to block what they considered seditious and tumultuous activity. Standing laws against lese-majesté and unauthorized meetings were deployed to restrict petitioning, despite claims by Scottish dissidents for a customary liberty and natural right to petition. Within the composite British monarchy formed in 1603, England experienced similar but not identical conflicts over participative petitioning, leading revolutionary assemblies in both realms to demand in 1689 a right to supplicate the crown without fear of prosecution. Though Scotland’s monarchs still sought to discourage and evade unwelcome petitions, this new right allowed assertive political petitioning to crown and parliament to re-emerge in Scotland, contributing to the prominence of petitioning in British political culture after the Union of 1707. 相似文献
74.
MENJA HOLTZ 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2014,33(4):468-483
The partnership between revolutionary Cuba and the German Democratic Republic (GDR) offered a route for migration that had not been possible before. While academic exchange aimed to construct a socialist society in Cuba and strengthen the Socialist Bloc, as well as serving the economic and political interests of both states, the creation of a transnational academic elite and of intellectual collectives across borders also occurred as a by‐product of the exchange. This article shows how these ‘by‐products’ came into existence, and how academic exchange can be influenced by political, financial and organisational limitations. 相似文献
75.
76.
《甘肃行政学院学报》2011,(4)
In the period of new democratic revolution, the national strategy of CCP and the atomically social structure commonly molded the party-army propaganda mechanism. Compared with other types of propaganda mechanism, the party-army propaganda mechanism has some unique characteristics, which embody in "centralization and decentralization" in the information input, "audience-oriented" in the information interchange, and "dispersion" in the information output. The party-army propaganda mechanism set up the CCP leadership in the new democratic revolution. 相似文献
77.
1919年11月,十月革命胜利两周年之际,列宁发表演讲,总结了苏维埃政权建设的经验,提出了"要正确地对待农民"的论断。但是,这条用流血换来的教训并没有为后来苏联领导层所认真贯彻,以至于在农民问题上失误一再出现。这是今天东方社会主义国家政党在农村和农民工作中应当认真思考的问题。 相似文献
78.
张锦炎 《中央社会主义学院学报》2012,(3):110-113
爱国主义是贯穿于孙中山先生思想和行为的一条主线。中国共产党继承、发展孙中山先生的爱国主义思想,积极推进祖国和平统一大业,为实现两岸共同繁荣发展和国家统一强盛而不懈努力。在新的历史时期,我们要牢牢把握两岸关系和平发展主题,继续积极推动和深化两岸在经济、文化等方面的交流合作。 相似文献
79.
《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2013,6(2):193-210
Accounts of terrorism, which locate the emergence of the concept in the French Revolution, tend to accept two premises. First, they assume that the concept of terrorism names a particular form of violence. Second, they regard Robespierre as the first practitioner of terrorism, thus suggesting an understanding of the term as state violence. While this article substantiates the second premise by way of a discussion of the first systematic articulation of terrorism by Tallien in 1794, it problematises the first premise through an examination of archival evidence from the period between 1794 and 1797. By identifying a variety of conceptual uses of terrorism as a form of government, political philosophy and political identity, I argue for an expansion of the conceptual space within which terrorism is primarily understood as a form of violent action. 相似文献
80.
Spike Lee's Do the Right Thing is one of the most important American films of the 20th century. On one level it raises questions about racial conflict in New York City during the 1980s but, on another, about the struggle to be human in America, specifically the requirements of a justice that takes into account the needs of all. In other words, the film is about the struggle each of us faces to recognize each other as a being of value and worth regardless of our state- and market-defined merits or deserts. The authors argue that Do the Right Thing is a film consistent with the true American character which reflects a desire to be not a power-wielding sovereign but a person connected to a community of human concern, one in which the needs of all are taken into account. 相似文献