ABSTRACTThere is a general assumption in democracy promotion that liberal democracy is the panacea that will solve all political and economic problems faced by developing countries. Using the concept of “good society” as analytical prism, the analysis shows that while there is a rhetorical agreement as to what the “good society” entails, democracy promotion practices fail to allow for recipients’ inclusion in the negotiation and delivery of the “good society”. Contrasting US and Tunisian discourses on the “good society”, the article argues that democracy promotion practices are underpinned by neoliberal parameters borne out from a reliance on the transition paradigm, which in turn leave little room to democracy promotion recipients to formulate knowledge claims supporting the emergence of alternative conceptions of the “good society”. In contrast, the article opens up a reflective pathway to a negotiated democratic knowledge, which would reside in a paradigmatic change that consists in the abandonment of the transition paradigm in favour of a “democratic emergence” paradigm. 相似文献
With the shifting of the economic pattern and the developing of administrative law, the modern constitutionalism of China
has adopted a progressive development process. Over 20 years, the development of democracy, the rule of law and the human
rights protection clearly illustrate this point. For the gradually developing constitutionalism, the theory of limited rational
is a theoretical basis, the stability of society is a social basis, the changing economic system is a economic basis, and
Confucianism is a cultural basis. Constitutionalism of China should continue to go in such an active, steady and gradual way.
Wang Zhuojun, Professor and Director of Administrative Affairs of Soochow University (till now) and as a visiting scholar
in the Department of Government & Politics, University of Maryland, USA (1996.1–1997.1), whose research focuses on culture,
politics and science of law. So far, his publications are “The Political System in the Perspective of Culture”, “A History
of Epistemology”, “A Study of the External Economy of China’s Universities”, and his translations include “Introduction to
Culture and Anthropology”, “Challenge to Culture from Science and Technology”, etc. Moreover, He has presided several research
projects sponsored by The Ministry of Science and Technology of China and the Education Department of Jiangsu Province, China. 相似文献
In December 2001, Argentina experienced a decisive crisis. A financial collapse accelerated by the massive flight of capital and the IMF denial of a new loan was followed by a popular insurrection which, by putting forward the slogan ¡ que se vayan todos, que no quede ni uno solo ! forced the resignation of national authorities. Whilst Duhalde's provisional government is negotiating the conditions for international financial support, faced with inflation and the rise of the dollar exchange rate, social mobilisation is expanding in new forms. This paper argues that the popular insurrection of December 2001 opened a space for the reinvention of the political as negative politics, the asambleas barriales constituting one example of this. 相似文献
Is there a ‘constitutional moment’in contemporary Europe? What if anything is the constitution of theEuropean Union; what kind of polity is the Union? The suggestionoffered is that there is a legally constituted order, and that asuitable term to apply to it is a‘commonwealth’, comprising a commonwealthof ‘post-sovereign’ states. Is it a democraticcommonwealth, and can it be? Is there sufficiently ademos or ‘people’ for democracy to be possible?If not democratic, what is it? Monarchy, oligarchy, ordemocracy, or a ‘mixed constitution’? Argued: thereis a mixed constitution containing a reasonableelement of democratic rule. The value of democracy isthen explored in terms of individualistic versusholistic evaluation and instrumental versus intrinsicvalue. Subsidiarity can be considered in a similarlight, suggestively in terms of forms of democracyappropriate to different levels of self-government.The conclusion is that there is no absolute democraticdeficit in the European commonwealth.