瑞典社会民主党政坛沉浮的原因及启示

冷战后瑞典社会民主党在政坛上走出了一条“低落——回归——高涨——低落”的“n”字形沉浮轨迹，这一沉浮轨迹的出现既有政治、经济方面的原因，也有科技和社会的原因。执政党在执政时期必须在协调经济社会全面发展的同时关注社会公平、正义和失业等社会问题，必须注重自身建设，必须坚持改革创新，在实践基础上不断进行理论创新和实践创新，使党的路线、方针、政策和行动纲领能更好地满足民众的愿望和要求。     

On the Propaganda Mechanism of CCP in the Period of New Democratic Revolution

In the period of new democratic revolution, the national strategy of CCP and the atomically social structure commonly molded the party-army propaganda mechanism. Compared with other types of propaganda mechanism, the party-army propaganda mechanism has some unique characteristics, which embody in ＂centralization and decentralization＂ in the information input, ＂audience-oriented＂ in the information interchange, and ＂dispersion＂ in the information output. The party-army propaganda mechanism set up the CCP leadership in the new democratic revolution.     

民主政治条件下社会稳定的内在机理探析

社会稳定是政治生活的价值追求和现实需要。然而,迄今为止,人类社会政治实践所采取过的全部政体中,民主政治较好地实现了社会稳定。究其原因,民主政治所内含的信任、妥协、宽容和法治理念以及在此理念基础上建构的制度化的政治参与机制、权力更替机制、冲突调控机制、协商谈判机制和社会资本增量机制等为其实现社会政治稳定提供了价值基石与内在动力。     

Grassroots democracy and local government in Northern Syria: the case of democratic confederalism

This paper provides a case study regarding an innovative model of grass-roots democracy, called democratic confederalism, which is currently being implemented in Northern Syria. The difference between democratic confederalism and previous experiments with grass-roots democracy is that its evolutionary pattern aims to include heterogeneous local communities living in the same territories, with the objective of becoming an administrative model for the whole Syrian country, without shattering its national constitution. In fact, the evolution of the political and administrative system and the introduction of the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria were specifically aimed at including all ethnicities and not focusing on the Kurdish population only. Following a literature review aimed at defining the theoretical background of democratic confederalism, the case study is presented. Data collection occurred through semi-structured interviews and informal talks with key stakeholders in the Kurdish movement; the findings and main implications of the model are described and analysed.     

加强各民主党派参政议政机制建设问题探讨

民主党派参政议政是中国共产党领导下的多党合作和政治协商制度的重要组成部分,民主党派参政议政机制建设的薄弱是妨碍民主党派参政议政的主要问题。机制建设应从四个方面着手:一是建立和健全话语表达机制,保证信息渠道;二是建立和完善参政议政联动机制,实现整体效能发挥;三是建立健全参政议政与重大决策相统一的机制,反映民主党派的利益诉求;四是建立和完善学习机制,构建学习型民主党派的党组织,培养参政议政的能力。     

中国政治学术研究与政治实践的价值取向

中国政治学恢复为一门独立的社会科学以来，取得了相当大的发展，但与当前中国特色社会主义事业对政治学提出的要求还有较大差距。基于政治学研究的特殊属性，只有在中国特色社会主义民主政治建设的过程中实现政治学术研究与政治实践求真、求实、求善、求美的价值取向，才可能实现二者结合与共赢。     

以提高参政议政能力为抓手,加强高校民主党派基层组织建设

党的十八大报告首次提出并系统论述了健全社会主义协商民主制度,彰显了中共中央顺应民心,坚定不移地推进政治体制改革的决心和信心,同时也对民主党派的自身建设提出了更高的要求和期望。本文提出了"参政议政能力建设是参政党履行职能、发挥作用的内在要求,也是基层组织建设的目标"这个观点;分析了目前福建省高校民主党派基层组织的队伍状况和工作状态,并以此提出以提高参政议政能力为抓手,着眼于加强思想政治建设、加强参政议政队伍建设、建立制度加强管理、在发挥优势和作用中提高参政议政能力、增强高校各级中共党组织支持民主党派基层组织自身建设的政治责任等方面,加强高校民主党派基层组织建设。     

Coming in from the Cold: Grenada and Cuba since 1983

Abstract

The Grenada Revolution’s radical course was stamped by the bold turn to Cuba in April 1979. Cuban commitment to Maurice Bishop’s regime was crucial to its consolidation. In 1983 counter-revolution and invasion ruptured Grenada–Cuba ties and damaged Havana’s relations with Caribbean Community states. Since the demise of the Cold War, Havana’s survival strategy has prioritised regional integration and cooperation in the Americas. In the Anglophone Caribbean, Grenada has been at the centre of this rapprochement since 1993. Despite Washington’s disapproval, Grenada champions expanded ties with socialist Cuba. The rekindled alliance brings tangible mutual benefits and validates the strategy of South–South cooperation advocated by Maurice Bishop’s People’s Revolutionary Government and New Jewel Movement.     

Taking the bait: Maoists and the democratic lure in Nepal

After leading a tumultuous revolutionary people's war for a decade, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) has slithered into a peace process and is being egged on to put the revolution to the vote. Maoists themselves are sending mixed signals about whether or not they are going to take the democratic bait to save the “beautiful” democratic, peace process from the “beastly” people's war, urban insurrection and revolution. My contention is that unless the lie of the liberal political process is identified in its most democratic, free and fair forms and not just in its secret, conspiratorial underside, the Maoists might be lured into an unbalanced democratic game. The article argues that the Maoists were not just pushed into this political process by force of circumstance, as the best possible option, “given the international and national situation,” but it seems to follow from their flawed understanding that the present political process constitutes a progressive phase in the path to a New Democratic society. The Maoists are, of course, not abandoning the revolution as such but they are possibly metamorphosing from revolution-embodied to speaking in the name of the revolution – perhaps with the added risk of transforming the revolution itself to just a name.     

Categorical Threat and Protest Policing: Patterns of Repression Before and After Democratic Transition in South Korea

This article challenges the view that protest policing depends on situational threats, such as violent, disruptive tactics and the size of protests, by analysing how categorical threats assigned to movement groups' social-demographic identities affect repression. An analysis of South Korea's democratic transition reveals that categorical threats importantly trigger differential repression after the transition. Compared to moderate “citizens' movements” that thrived during Korea's democratisation, the protests organised by “people's movements” incurred state repression after controlling for other alternative variables. The result is also supported by qualitative evidence from multiple in-depth interviews with activists. The implication of differential repression is discussed in terms of how a democratising state attempts to channel and regulate social movements.