商标恶意抢注中特定关系“非特定化”之反思--《商标法》第15条的解释论

商标抢注是我国商标法司法实践中一个重要问题。我国《商标法》第15条专门规制发生在特定关系人之间的商标恶意抢注行为、划分特定关系的类型,但未对其含义做明确界定,导致司法实践中对特定关系的判定出现分歧,特定关系的范围因此不断扩大,呈现出“非特定化”趋势。特定关系的无序扩张,在法理上缺少必要性和正当性,既有碍适用《商标法》其他条款,又不符合效率原则、社会成本理论及诚实信用原则的应有之意。为防止特定关系无序扩张,应将契约关系作为解释特定关系内容的核心,法官适用该条款时不宜随意扩大特定关系的内容,应严格按照商标法及相关司法解释的规定进行判断。     

Parliamentary and presidential elections in Mongolia, 2012 and 2013

The 2012 Mongolian parliamentary election was historical as a new mixed-member majoritarian system was implemented. Compared with 2008, or even 2004, the 2012 election outcome indicates an at least tentative disruption of the bipolarisation of electoral politics in Mongolia. However, unlike in the past when the fragmentation of the party system was caused by the parties of the so-called “democratic camp”, the latest split occurred within the so-called “post-communist camp”. The presidential election took place on 26 June 2013. Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj of the Democratic Party was elected president and for the first time since the democratic transition of 1990, most executive and legislative powers shifted to the Democratic Party.     

What's the point of voting advice applications? Competing perspectives on democracy and citizenship

Voting advice applications (VAAs) are interactive online tools designed to assist voters by improving the basis on which they decide how to vote. Current VAAs typically aim to do so by matching users' policy-preferences with the positions of parties or candidates. But this ‘matching model’ depends crucially on implicit, contestable presuppositions about the proper functioning of the electoral process and about the forms of competence required for good citizenship—presuppositions associated with the social choice conception of democracy. This paper aims to make those presuppositions explicit and to contrast them with two possible alternative perspectives on VAAs, associated with deliberative and agonistic conceptions of democracy and citizenship.     

民主党派推进生态文明建设的多维思考

实施生态文明建设是我国的重大战略决策,民主党派是推进生态文明建设的重要力量,在生态文明建设中有明显的优势,对我国生态文明建设战略的选择与发展、生态文明建设在实践中的全方位推进等方面都发挥了重要而独特的作用。避一步增强民主党派对生态文明建设的推进作用,需要对中国政治生态环境的优化、多党合作制度的发展、参政党整体实力的提升进行深入思考。     

新民主主义革命时期党群沟通机制有效运行的原因及启示

新民主主义革命时期中国共产党准确地把握社会形势,成功地宣传了党的方针政策,唤醒了民众的革命觉悟,有效地整合了各种社会资源,推动了新民主主义革命的胜利。研究新民主主义革命时期党群沟通的有效运行机制,对新时期进一步改善党群关系,加强党的建设具有重要的指导意义。     

The Neglected Nation: The CSU and the Territorial Cleavage in Bavarian Party Politics

This article examines the continuing salience of the territorial cleavage in Bavarian party politics. It does so through an exploration of the Christian Social Union's (CSU) mobilisation of Bavarian identity as part of its political project, which has forced other parties in Bavaria to strengthen their territorial goals and identities. Parties have articulated different constructions of ‘Bavaria’ to rival the CSU's dominant nation-building project. However, they have been unable to portray themselves as ‘standing up for Bavarian interests’ due to the constraints of the state-wide parties to which they belong. As an exclusively Bavarian party, the CSU has no such constraints. Indeed, the CSU's core aim of strengthening Bavaria's position vis-à-vis the German federation may be viewed as akin to that of the Convergència i Unió in Catalonia, Spirit in Flanders or Plaid Cymru in Wales. Like these parties, the case of the CSU in Bavaria demonstrates that sub-state territorial mobilisation has as much to do with negotiating autonomy within the state as seceding from it. To that end, the CSU provides a valuable case of how a regionalist party operating within a multi-level political system has sought to influence the regional, state and European levels to obtain a comparative territorial advantage.     

新民主主义革命时期根据地监所制度的建立与发展简介

我国新民主主义革命时期根据地监所的建立和发展 ,是指从 1 92 7年 4月至1 94 9年 1 0月新中国成立 2 0多年来革命根据地人民民主政权看守所和监狱的建立与发展。这一时期监所制度的发展可分为以下三个阶段 :一、第二次国内革命战争时期为开创阶段 ,创建了革命政权的监所 ,提出了用共产主义思想和生产劳动对犯人进行教育、感化和改造的狱政思想 ,确立了革命根据地新型监所制度建设的方向。二、抗日战争时期为建设阶段 ,在不断总结监所工作实践经验的基础上 ,逐步形成了新民主主义的狱政思想和狱政方针以及革命监所体系。三、解放战争时期是发展阶段 ,在继承和发扬抗日根据地狱政建设经验的基础上 ,有了两次大的发展 ,使民主政权监所制度的建设向着系统化、正规化方向迈进。     

Continuing Revolt of the Urban Chinese Voters: The Case of Kepong

Abstract

Since the 2008 Malaysian general election the Chinese vote has swung overwhelmingly to the opposition, and this trend has continued in the 2013 general election. When announcing the results of the 2013 general election, Prime Minister Najib labelled it as a ‘Chinese tsunami’. Taking the case of Kepong, this article attempts to explain the reasons for the urban Chinese voters’ continuing support for the Democratic Action Party.     

实行厂务公开 推进企业民主管理

实行厂务公开,推进企业民主管理,是贯彻落实党的“十六大”精神,发展社会主义民主的需要。     

“解严”后政党角力下台湾新闻自由的进步与迷思

台湾新闻自由实践在其政党角力中扮演着工具角色。换言之,新闻自由从来就不是政党角力的目的,只是权力斗争的工具。多党纷争时期,在野党高举“新闻自由”旗帜,与国民党争夺媒体资源。政党轮替后,对峙的国民两党都是表面附和“新闻自由”,实际上却采用隐性、间接的方式操控媒体。政党竞争带来了广电媒体的解禁、新闻自由法律法规的修正、新闻自由观念的成熟等正面效应。但政党对媒体的变相操控却让新闻自由异化,“只问政党,不问事实”的蓝绿媒体难以承担“第四权”责任。