Is the Democratic Party’s superdelegate system unfair to voters?

Among the reasons for the historic nature of the 2008 Democratic primary race was the attention paid to the “superdelegates”. The competitiveness of the primary and the important role the superdelegates played has led to calls for reform. This paper develops a formal model that explains why superdelegates selected one candidate over the other and why some superdelegates committed early in the primary season while others waited. Hypotheses are tested using an original dataset collected during the 2008 Democratic primary. The results suggest that although some superdelegates made their decision based on personal, idiosyncratic factors, for many superdelegates, Democratic voters played the most important role in their commitment process.     

Kinshasa: An urban elite considers city,nation and state

The declining salience of the nation state has led to an interest in whether other socially constructed forms, such as the city, have replaced it as a source of accumulation, belief and identity. This article seeks to explore whether this is true in the case of the capital of one of Africa's least successful states, Kinshasa in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). A survey explored the views towards the city of Kinshasa on the past of a variety of middle-class professional people as potential leaders in different occupations resident in different quarters of the city with roots in different parts of the DRC. Despite their somewhat abject material condition and despite extensive contacts internationally, the old dream of the nation state remains relatively strong among them while feelings towards the city largely reflect its situation in that dream rather than any new kind of loyalty. Members this class have extensive national networks of professional contact that help define their identity. New kinds of urban identity with cultural or political meaning beyond this could not be discerned contrary to the perspective held out initially.     

Soviet conspiracy theories and political culture in Ukraine: Understanding Viktor Yanukovych and the Party of Regions

Conspiracy theories in Ukraine draw on inherited Soviet political culture and political technology imported from Russia where such ideas had gained ascendancy under President Vladimir Putin. Eastern Ukrainian and Russian elites believed that the US was behind the 2000 Serbian Bulldozer, 2003 Georgian Rose and 2004 Orange democratic revolutions. The Kuchmagate crisis, impending succession crisis, 2004 presidential elections and Orange Revolution – all of which took up most of Leonid Kuchma’s second term in office – were the first significant domestic threats to Ukraine’s new, post-communist ruling elites and in response Ukraine’s elites revived Soviet style theories of conspiracies and ideological tirades against the US and Ukrainian nationalism. Opposition candidate Viktor Yushchenko became the focal point against which the conspiracies and tirades were launched because his support base lay in ‘nationalist’ Western Ukraine and he has a Ukrainian-American spouse. The revival of Soviet style conspiracy theories has become important since Viktor Yanukovyc’s election as Ukrainian president in 2010 because this political culture permeates his administration, government and Party of Regions determining their worldview and influencing their domestic and foreign policies.     

以改革创新精神推进人民政协的民主监督

政协民主监督是在我国社会主义政党体制内,在团结合作的政党关系基础上,通过民主的方式对共产党实行的一种政治监督。政协民主监督具有自己独特的优势。然而,由于思想上、制度上和机制上的原因,人民政协民主监督存在不同程度的问题。坚持和完善人民政协民主监督,是我国政治制度赋予人民政协的重要职能,是坚定不移发展社会主义民主政治的必然要求。     

中东国家抗争政治的特点分析

抗争政治提供了民主转型的一个视角。根据查尔斯·蒂利的抗争政治理论,2010年底以来中东国家政局动荡中,体制外有一定认同感的集体行动者为抗争主体;客体为政府及其决策者;抗争目的是表达追求自由、民主、民生等公共诉求;具有对抗性、偶然性和创新性特点;并以媒体等信息技术的间接劝说为主。虽然抗争政治对于改变人们的政治认同、培育积极的公民意识以及构建公民社会等方面,有一定的推动作用,但抗争政治与民主化并不具有必然的因果联系。受制于民主与权威之间的矛盾与斗争,中东国家要选择符合现实国情的民主道路可谓任重而道远。     

Repair,stigmatisation or tolerance? Former girl soldiers’ experience of their ‘homecoming’

This paper examines how 12 former girl soldiers in eastern Congo experience their social reintegration back into their families and communities. A successful social reintegration process is conceptualised as one which involves repaired relationships characterised by positive emotions towards and social acceptance of former girl soldiers. Dijker and Koomen’s theory on social control mechanisms is used to analyse the data, and attitudes and treatment experienced by the girls are categorised as repair, stigmatisation or tolerance. Individual interviews with former girl soldiers paint a picture of a homecoming characterised by frequent stigmatisation, some repair and little tolerance both from family and community. Although some repair processes are taking place, many former girl soldiers experience being perceived as a threat to social norms as well as to health and safety. This may partly be explained by the devastating imprint war and armed conflict frequently leaves on people and societies. War appears to breed more authoritarian values and fearful responses to objectionable or deviant behaviour and conditions, and seems to put collective values of caring and sharing under pressure.     

强化政协民主监督职能的理性思考

民主监督职能薄弱,是人民政协事业的焦点问题之一。本文从政协民主监督的内涵出发,对政协民主监督的优势和限度进行了法理辨析,阐述了加强政协民主监督的重要意义,提出了当前强化民主监督的措施:通过对法律、政策和机制的改进与完善,优化民主监督环境;通过开展对执政党的监督、开展不可行性论证、发挥政协组织化作用以及加强与其他监督形式的整合,激发政协民主监督职能的活力。     

新时期民主党派基层组织建设的若干思考

民主党派的基层组织建设，既是民主党派自身建设的重要内容，也是关系到多党合作制度长期存在和发展的重大问题。一个政党要保持旺盛的生命力，充分发挥应有的作用，必须不断提高成员的素质，不断发展健全组织，壮大组织力量，成为构建和谐社会的基本细胞。加强基层基础建设，研究民主党派基层工作的方法和途径，不断增强民主党派凝聚力，具有深远的历史意义和现实意义，也是当前面临的一个重要课题。     

从《独立评论》时评看胡适的民主宪政主张——兼与《新月》时期比较

胡适关于民主宪政的系列时评构成了《独立评论》最重要的内容之一。胡适批评国民党名不副实的“训政”,从理论和实践层面上阐释宪政在中国实行的重要性、可行性和阶段性,对反对宪政的观点进行了商榷和反驳。与《新月》时期相比,胡适批评的对象有所调整,批评的锋芒有所缓和,但他反专制的精神没变,爱国立场和独立人格依旧,他始终把实行民主政治确定为刊物最重要的内容之一。     

浅析欧洲社会民主党的伦理化倾向

社会民主主义思想是欧洲近100多年来的重要思潮。它的发展,经历了从修正主义到社会民主主义的过程,现在又呈现抽象化、伦理化的特点。与此同时,欧洲社会民主党始终坚持和劳工阶层站在一起。这使得社会民主党在欧洲得到了大多数人的支持。社会民主党的发展经验,对市场经济过程中党保证群众支持有深刻的借鉴意义。