试论土家族人民对辛亥革命的贡献

1480年鸦片战争后,土家族人民深受外国鸦片、宗教、商品的毒害和剥削。土家人温朝中、黄玉山领导黔江、咸丰的武装起义成为辛亥革命的前奏。辛亥革命中,一大批土家儿女积极投身武昌首义,土家族地区的人民积极响应,为推翻清王朝的封建统治用出了贡献。     

中国法治政体的始创辛亥政治革命的法治论剖析与省思

法治政体理论在根本上把法治理解为,只有立宪政体才会要求并实现法律统治的一个政体问题。建立民主立宪的法治政体是辛亥政治革命的目标。为达成这一目标,民国初年的《临时约法》等法律初步构建了中华民国法治政体的雏形,但这一政体也陷入多重困厄之中。孙中山等人对这一政体及其困厄进行了富有价值的探索与反思。从法治政体理论及民初缔造法治政体的实践出发,可以对治法型法治的思想观念进行比较性的检视。     

How Do We Study the Rise of British Capitalism?

The rise of English capitalism is a very long historical course, during which the English revolution erupted in 1640 is a crux and critical point for the reflection on the rise of English capitalism. The British have been persistently seeking some rational interpretation of revolution and capitalism since the eruption of the British Revolution about three hundred years ago. The British people attained a set of new perspective to understand and explain the British Revolution and the rise of the English capitalism since the historical method of Marxism was introduced into Britain in the early 20th century. In terms of the hundreds of years exploration by the English, particularly the new left, holism becomes a basic view of reviewing the rise of English capitalism; the historical method of Marxism is a basic mean; the necessary breakthrough is that causes of the rise of capitalism are expanded from simple economic category to social category and taking history as a mirror and connecting tradition with reality is the fundamental aim.     

论现代科技革命与和谐社会建设

相比第一、二次科技革命,现代科技革命体现出范围广泛、内容丰富,从理论研究到实际应用,其时间和空间大大缩短,对经济、社会的影响日益广泛和深刻的新特点。但同时现代科技革命也容易诱发新的社会矛盾,例如收入差距的贫富分化、价值观念和道德标准的转型以及对经济和政治体制的冲击与自身的创新行为等。现代科技革命对我国构建和谐社会至少具有以下意义:建设和谐社会是科技革命的前提;构建和谐社会不仅有利于避免甚至消除现代科技革命所产生的负面影响,对现代科技革命向生产力转化环节中起到润滑剂作用,而且也有利于在同科技革命互动中实现良性发展。     

转型期我国政治安全面临的威胁与挑战——“颜色革命”的启示

“颜色革命”是指近几年来在中亚诸国发生的、具有鲜明颜色标志的一系列“革命”。从实质上讲,“颜色革命”是一种非暴力的“革命”或“夺权”方式。我国与发生“颜色革命”的国家虽然在政治体制、经济状况、文化背景等方面有所不同,但同样面临着“西化”、“分化”的外部威胁,内部又处于社会矛盾凸显的社会转型期,因此存在着引发“颜色革命”的潜在威胁和可能性,对此必须给予高度重视。     

孙中山的弹劾制研究考略

中国革命的伟大先行者孙中山先生的“五权宪法”为三民主义学说中的“民权主义”在中国的实现 ,设计出了最后的实施方案。这个方案中的独立弹劾权是他结合中国国情 ,学习研究西方先进经验之独创。在纪念辛亥革命九十周年之际 ,学习研究孙中山先生关于弹劾的思想和主张 ,对完善我国的人民代表大会制度和国家公务员制度具有极为重要的借鉴意义。     

论邓小平“文化大革命”之“功”说

“文化大革命”是一场内乱，给党和国家造成了巨大的损失。作为政治家的邓小平认为它也有一“功”：它促使党和人民深刻反思其弊端，重新认识社会主义，并实行改革开放，建设有中国特色的社会主义。正可谓坏事变好事，灾难变财富。     

沈家本与新刑律草案的伦理革命

《大清新刑律》是中国近代第一部西化的刑法典 ,它的“新”不仅体现在采取了西方刑法的基本制度 ,贯穿了资产阶级刑法的基本原则等方面 ,而且更重要的是导致了法律背后的伦理的变化 ,是法律的精神革命。研究沈家本与这场伦理革命的关系不仅有助于我们进一步认识沈家本对中国法律近代化的贡献以及其历史局限性 ,而且也有助于我们对中国法律现代化的性质和使命的进一步认识。     

Considering the Orange legacy: patterns of political participation in the Euromaidan Revolution

The proximity of Ukraine’s Orange Revolution (2004) andEuromaidan Revolution (2014) provides an opportunity to considerwhy some individuals remain active across protest cycles whileothers defect. Many social movement scholars explain differentialparticipation in terms of micro-structural, biographical, or cognitivefactors. Others rely on rational choice theories of collective actionbased on coordination. Testing competing explanations arecomplicated because the variables included in structural andagency-based models are often the same, although the underlyingcausal mechanisms are different. In this article, I argue that thekey to understanding the role of agency and structure in protestparticipation is to relax strong assumptions about the unified natureof society and consider the multiple paths to participation. Thisapproach suggests that both structural and agency-based causalmechanisms can influence political engagement depending onindividual experiences, identities, and perceptions of events.     

Women's Organisations and the Politics of Gender in Cuba's Urban Insurrection (1952–1958)

This article sheds new light on Cuba's urban insurrection to oust Fulgencio Batista by focusing on two all‐women's anti‐Batista groups. It charts the origins and developments of the groups, explores their conceptions about the importance of women's political action and examines the impact that participating in the insurrection had on group members. The article complicates long‐standing assumptions about women's low levels of participation in the insurrection and the absence of demands for gender equity among those who did participate by noting that some older women militants had histories with the feminist movement of the 1930s, and that many younger women were forced by the circumstances of the insurrection to confront and challenge contemporary gender norms.