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71.
Sandro Guzzi-Heeb 《The History of the Family》2018,23(3):388-407
This paper questions the link between two major transformations observed in eighteenth century Europe: the reorganization of kinship structures and kinship solidarities on the one hand and the so-called ‘sexual revolution’ of the eighteenth century on the other, i.e. the spectacular rise of illegitimacy throughout Europe. Raising the question of this link has far-reaching theoretical implications, since the fundamental changes in kinship and sexuality have been treated so far as two independent phenomena in separate domains. The results presented in this paper refer to mountain villages of the Swiss Alps and base on genealogical data extracted from a large dynamic database called the Registre historique de la population du Valais. They suggest that the remarkable increase of close kin marriages was closely connected with changes in sexual habits and with the building of different sexual milieus. The ‘sexual revolution’ in the Entremont region was largely the issue of a few families and kin groups tending to build tightly knitted networks. In this perspective, the increase of kin marriages reflected the diversification of political and sexual milieus, characterized by different values, ideologies and attitudes. This profound diversification of life styles shows that social change did not affect local societies as a whole, but was supported by particular milieus made cohesive by privileged alliances within kin groups and by particular network patterns. 相似文献
72.
Karin Bowie 《议会、议员及代表》2018,38(3):279-292
ABSTRACTThe confirmation of a constitutional, rather than customary, right to petition the monarch in Scotland and England in 1689 has been recognized as an important precedent for modern constitutions, but the underlying forces impelling this historical transition have been less well recognized. The assertion of a constitutional right to petition the Scottish crown appeared after of decades of conflict over increasingly bold forms of collective political petitioning to crown and parliament. These innovations involved ordinary people in organized political protest, stimulating Scotland’s monarchs to block what they considered seditious and tumultuous activity. Standing laws against lese-majesté and unauthorized meetings were deployed to restrict petitioning, despite claims by Scottish dissidents for a customary liberty and natural right to petition. Within the composite British monarchy formed in 1603, England experienced similar but not identical conflicts over participative petitioning, leading revolutionary assemblies in both realms to demand in 1689 a right to supplicate the crown without fear of prosecution. Though Scotland’s monarchs still sought to discourage and evade unwelcome petitions, this new right allowed assertive political petitioning to crown and parliament to re-emerge in Scotland, contributing to the prominence of petitioning in British political culture after the Union of 1707. 相似文献
73.
74.
邹卫农 《四川警官高等专科学校学报》2012,(5):102-108
人民警察的主尊严,是人民警察权利的被尊重。这种尊严的被侵犯具有较大的潜在社会负效应。现实中,人民警察尊严状态及其捍卫并非理想。要有效捍卫这种尊严,除应当树立人民警察的尊严观,依法有效地履行职责外,要建立警察维权机制,倡导全社会都维护人民警察的尊严。这有益于国家的安全。社会的安定.人民群众有尊严的生活。 相似文献
75.
《甘肃行政学院学报》2011,(4)
In the period of new democratic revolution, the national strategy of CCP and the atomically social structure commonly molded the party-army propaganda mechanism. Compared with other types of propaganda mechanism, the party-army propaganda mechanism has some unique characteristics, which embody in "centralization and decentralization" in the information input, "audience-oriented" in the information interchange, and "dispersion" in the information output. The party-army propaganda mechanism set up the CCP leadership in the new democratic revolution. 相似文献
76.
María Antonieta Magallón Gómez 《Boletín mexicano de derecho comparado / Instituto de Investigaciones Jurídicas, UNAM》2013,46(138):1025-1056
The author studies the perception of marriage in the twenty first century, as a fundamental human right, declaring the value and dignity of all human beings, without any discrimination and its self-determination. The author analyzes the legal nature of marriage as an institution and as a contract, addressing an analysis of the reasons and purposes of marriage, and the phenomenon of arranged marriages (matrimonios por complacencia). Thereupon, she studies and reflects on the importance to inform the future spouses that love is the value that sustains the permanence of marriage and the fulfillment of its purposes in the twenty first century. 相似文献
77.
1919年11月,十月革命胜利两周年之际,列宁发表演讲,总结了苏维埃政权建设的经验,提出了"要正确地对待农民"的论断。但是,这条用流血换来的教训并没有为后来苏联领导层所认真贯彻,以至于在农民问题上失误一再出现。这是今天东方社会主义国家政党在农村和农民工作中应当认真思考的问题。 相似文献
78.
张锦炎 《中央社会主义学院学报》2012,(3):110-113
爱国主义是贯穿于孙中山先生思想和行为的一条主线。中国共产党继承、发展孙中山先生的爱国主义思想,积极推进祖国和平统一大业,为实现两岸共同繁荣发展和国家统一强盛而不懈努力。在新的历史时期,我们要牢牢把握两岸关系和平发展主题,继续积极推动和深化两岸在经济、文化等方面的交流合作。 相似文献
79.
《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2013,6(2):193-210
Accounts of terrorism, which locate the emergence of the concept in the French Revolution, tend to accept two premises. First, they assume that the concept of terrorism names a particular form of violence. Second, they regard Robespierre as the first practitioner of terrorism, thus suggesting an understanding of the term as state violence. While this article substantiates the second premise by way of a discussion of the first systematic articulation of terrorism by Tallien in 1794, it problematises the first premise through an examination of archival evidence from the period between 1794 and 1797. By identifying a variety of conceptual uses of terrorism as a form of government, political philosophy and political identity, I argue for an expansion of the conceptual space within which terrorism is primarily understood as a form of violent action. 相似文献
80.
Spike Lee's Do the Right Thing is one of the most important American films of the 20th century. On one level it raises questions about racial conflict in New York City during the 1980s but, on another, about the struggle to be human in America, specifically the requirements of a justice that takes into account the needs of all. In other words, the film is about the struggle each of us faces to recognize each other as a being of value and worth regardless of our state- and market-defined merits or deserts. The authors argue that Do the Right Thing is a film consistent with the true American character which reflects a desire to be not a power-wielding sovereign but a person connected to a community of human concern, one in which the needs of all are taken into account. 相似文献