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91.
"文革"时期的知青题材小说有其自身的独特性。围绕知青英雄人物塑造的特征和角色的设定,可分为革命烈士型和造反红卫兵型两大类,其正面人物造型均为造反与忠诚两大要素不同比例的混合物。这是"造反"归顺于"忠诚",红卫兵运动演变为知青运动在文学上的反映。  相似文献   
92.
重视实现和维护官兵的物质利益是我军政治工作的优良传统.在土地革命战时期,我军通过无产阶级物质利益观教育、建立民主制度和奖助主功制度,制定优抚政策、开展土地革命以赢得群众拥护等措施,千方百计地改善官兵的待遇物质生活和较好地解除了官兵的后顾之忧,从根本上激发了他们为人民的利益而作战工作的积极性.这对于新势下增强我军政治工作的针对性、系统性、创造性也是有益的借鉴.  相似文献   
93.
马克思主义是国际工人运动和社会主义运动的战斗纲领 ,它的诞生是无产阶级反对资产阶级的阶级斗争的需要 ,也是阶级斗争实践的结晶 ,在此基础上 ,马克思、恩格斯批判地继承了人类优秀文化遗产 ,从而创立了科学共产主义理论  相似文献   
94.
在人们较多地关注“西方马克思主义”的哲学理论的情况下 ,挖掘一下其政治观点是很有意义的事。“西方马克思主义”理论家无论是把意识形态工具和文化手段视为国家机器的主要组成部分 ,还是对作为上层建筑的国家与经济基础关系的新解释 ,都是言之成理的 ,都是基于新形势对国家学说做出的新发展。“西方马克思主义”理论家的可贵之处还在于不像许多人那样轻率地宣布阶级已消失 ,而是正视现实 ,在肯定阶级存在的同时 ,对阶级结构和阶级划分等进行了新的探讨 ,特别是对无产阶级成份的变化提出了不少独到的见解。在革命这一字眼逐渐淡出之时 ,“西方马克思主义”理论家的另一个突出成就就是并没有随众送别革命 ,而是还坚持要求进行革命变革 ,并对为什么在当今的年代还有革命的必要性 ,特别是在新形势下如何实施革命做出了有益的探索  相似文献   
95.
This article seeks to raise meaningful questions about the role, or wider social function, of the intellectual within state–civil society relations in Latin America characterised by conditions of socio–economic modernisation. It does so by pursuing such questions through a detailed examination of the social function of Carlos Fuentes as an intellectual in Mexico. Through a focus on the social function of Carlos Fuentes, it is possible to distinguish the role intellectual activity can play in the construction and contestation of hegemony in Mexico. Most crucially, the article prompts consideration of the social basis of hegemony and the agency of intellectuals organically tied to particular social forces functioning through state–civil society relations in the struggle over hegemony. Put differently, it is possible to grant due regard to the mixture of critical opposition and accommodation that has often confronted the intellectual within Latin America.  相似文献   
96.
近代以来,随着中国社会、政治、经济危机的加剧,土匪问题愈演愈烈,至中共成立时期,中国已俨然被西方学者描绘成为"土匪王国"、"盗匪世界"。中国共产党在成立后和大革命时期,坚持用马克思主义的立场、观点分析处理土匪问题,对中国兵匪互通的特殊国情、匪情保持清醒认识,充分认识到土匪问题的严重性及其对国民革命的影响,针对土匪问题的不同情形,采取有效的策略方针加以妥善处理,有力地推进了革命运动的开展,取得了一定的理论与实践积淀。  相似文献   
97.
Abstract

This article is an intervention in some controversies concerning the role of the Communist International in and outside China. It seeks to tackle the inappropriate denial of its guidance and aid to the Chinese Revolution. In doing so, this paper makes several arguments. First, it argues that the Communist International provided the Chinese Revolution with valuable guidance, support and assistance. These contributed tremendously to the Communist Party of China’s birth, development, consolidation and maturation and advanced its theoretical self-consciousness. Second, while the Communist International gave its guidance in the sincere hope that the Chinese Revolution would benefit from correct theories and advanced experiences, it absolutised the theoretical conceptions of the classical Marxists and the Russian experience. This led to mistakes or misjudgments that deserve an accurate evaluation. Third, the Communist International was itself conducting theoretical exploration, and was generally able to adjust its own theories and change its strategies. Fourth, for all the Communist International’s guidance, the universal tenets of Marxism had to be integrated with the concrete practice of the Chinese Revolution, and it was the ability of Chinese communists to Sinicise Marxism–Leninism in what amounted to a theoretical revolution under Mao Zedong’s leadership that accounts for the revolution’s ultimate victory.  相似文献   
98.
This article aims to investigate what may have been Thomas Paine's influence on the Girondin constitutional project presented by Marie-Jean-Antoine-Nicolas de Caritat Condorcet to the French National Convention, of which he was a member, on 14 and 15 February 1793. Indeed, the English radical was part of the nine-member committee, by the majority Girondin faction, in charge of drafting a new constitution for France. That project, which was accompanied by a Declaration of Rights, never came to fruition, but it has always been recognized as an important document for the interpretation of the evolutionary dynamics that characterized the French revolutionary period. Many of the provisions in the constitution recall Painite political thought, and studying this element can also be useful for understanding the links between the American and French Revolutions, given the fact that Paine actively participated in the experience of institutional upheaval initiated by the American colonists in 1775. The English thinker elaborated a political theory in his writings inspired by the most important democratic principles and based on respect and protection of fundamental human rights, all elements that, in their different mode of expression and declinations, can be found again in the Girondin constitutional charter of 1793.  相似文献   
99.
Inquiries into a range of issues involving juveniles in the psychiatric hospitalization and criminal trial process reveal that, regularly, juveniles are subject to shame and humiliation in all aspects of the legal system that relate to arrest, trial, conviction, and institutionalization, shame and humiliation that are often exacerbated in cases involving racial minorities and those who are economically impoverished. We contextualize them into the juvenile justice system, and look specifically at how this is reflected in the case law. We then consider these findings through the filters of therapeutic jurisprudence and international human rights laws, concluding that these approaches best remediate the current state of affairs and infuse this system with badly‐needed dignity.  相似文献   
100.
辛亥革命时期,我国女性解放从对人格平等的憧憬开始向着政治觉醒的方向转化。女国民意识是这一时期女性政治意识觉醒的重要标识和女权运动的主要内容。女性革命先驱们期许革命时尽国民之责任,也期待革命成功后与男子共享国民之权利。南京临时政府成立,女性心怀憧憬,提出了女子参政的要求,并为此掀起了民初的女子参政运动。但女子参政要求不仅遭到了袁世凯北京临时政府的否决,在以孙中山为首、由革命派控制的南京临时政府也没有获得通过。女子参政运动的失败,体现着鲜明的性别歧视面相,也与女性的弱势与性别认识上的误区密切相关。  相似文献   
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