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91.
近代以来,随着中国社会、政治、经济危机的加剧,土匪问题愈演愈烈,至中共成立时期,中国已俨然被西方学者描绘成为"土匪王国"、"盗匪世界"。中国共产党在成立后和大革命时期,坚持用马克思主义的立场、观点分析处理土匪问题,对中国兵匪互通的特殊国情、匪情保持清醒认识,充分认识到土匪问题的严重性及其对国民革命的影响,针对土匪问题的不同情形,采取有效的策略方针加以妥善处理,有力地推进了革命运动的开展,取得了一定的理论与实践积淀。  相似文献   
92.
The author studies the perception of marriage in the twenty first century, as a fundamental human right, declaring the value and dignity of all human beings, without any discrimination and its self-determination. The author analyzes the legal nature of marriage as an institution and as a contract, addressing an analysis of the reasons and purposes of marriage, and the phenomenon of arranged marriages (matrimonios por complacencia). Thereupon, she studies and reflects on the importance to inform the future spouses that love is the value that sustains the permanence of marriage and the fulfillment of its purposes in the twenty first century.  相似文献   
93.
在人们较多地关注“西方马克思主义”的哲学理论的情况下 ,挖掘一下其政治观点是很有意义的事。“西方马克思主义”理论家无论是把意识形态工具和文化手段视为国家机器的主要组成部分 ,还是对作为上层建筑的国家与经济基础关系的新解释 ,都是言之成理的 ,都是基于新形势对国家学说做出的新发展。“西方马克思主义”理论家的可贵之处还在于不像许多人那样轻率地宣布阶级已消失 ,而是正视现实 ,在肯定阶级存在的同时 ,对阶级结构和阶级划分等进行了新的探讨 ,特别是对无产阶级成份的变化提出了不少独到的见解。在革命这一字眼逐渐淡出之时 ,“西方马克思主义”理论家的另一个突出成就就是并没有随众送别革命 ,而是还坚持要求进行革命变革 ,并对为什么在当今的年代还有革命的必要性 ,特别是在新形势下如何实施革命做出了有益的探索  相似文献   
94.
辛亥革命时期,我国女性解放从对人格平等的憧憬开始向着政治觉醒的方向转化。女国民意识是这一时期女性政治意识觉醒的重要标识和女权运动的主要内容。女性革命先驱们期许革命时尽国民之责任,也期待革命成功后与男子共享国民之权利。南京临时政府成立,女性心怀憧憬,提出了女子参政的要求,并为此掀起了民初的女子参政运动。但女子参政要求不仅遭到了袁世凯北京临时政府的否决,在以孙中山为首、由革命派控制的南京临时政府也没有获得通过。女子参政运动的失败,体现着鲜明的性别歧视面相,也与女性的弱势与性别认识上的误区密切相关。  相似文献   
95.
试论辛亥革命对中国现代化的推进   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
辛亥革命开启了中国现代化的闸门,实现了中国政治从专制制度向民主制度的转化,而且还对中国的经济现代化、文化现代化、社会现代化进行了强有力的政策推动,是中国现代化进程历史链条中不可或缺的重要环节。  相似文献   
96.
97.
This paper provides a novel and critical analysis of the necessary and important balance between ‘individual privacy’ and ‘collective transparency’. We suggest that the onset of the Information Revolution has created a dilemma for the National Health Service (NHS) in terms of how it addresses its obligation to use information to improve best practice in healthcare for society (‘collective transparency’) whilst also keeping sensitive personal information confidential (‘individual privacy’). There is clearly a need to consider both whether the NHS is balancing this critically important informational relationship and whether its approach is fit for purpose. We argue that the NHS's ‘proxy-individual’ information guardian role could inadvertently mask individuals' intended roles, effectively circumventing autonomy-based laws by limiting the power of individuals to be autonomous. In this article we have identified three issues – first the prevailing ‘Mindset’ (the ‘M’) of ‘privacy’, which is viewed as individualistic, resulting in an overpowering concept of confidentiality; second, the quality and control of Information (the first ‘I’); and third, the concept of innovation (the second ‘i’), which is being used as a ‘solution’ rather than a vehicle for transparency. Indeed, transparency is our target of ‘best practice,’ and we suggest that individual privacy and collective transparency are best embedded within a complementary privacy framework that offers a better fit than the current split of control between the roles of the NHS and the roles of the individual. It is suggested that when facilitated by transparency, ‘control’ and ‘privacy’ form a continuum, aligning through the desire for choice. Therefore, the choice of control could facilitate control and choice. Together, they could replace the concept of privacy by empowering ‘informed patients’ to support the NHS's ‘No decision about me, without me’ pledge.  相似文献   
98.
The Haitian Revolution (1791–1804) was the greatest social upheaval in the Age of Atlantic Revolutions. The paper presents results from the first systematic study of marriage during this event, which included slave rebellion (1791), general emancipation (1793) and political independence from France (1803). The article focuses on a single colonial parish, leveraging a sample of roughly 1000 contracts by comparing them with similar documents from same region in the 1760s and 1780s. Ironically, amid a revolution that was ostensibly eliminating slavery and racism, the interracial marriages that had once been common in this parish virtually disappeared. The wealthy “mulatto” families who had been free long before 1791 intensified their pre-Revolutionary pattern of endogamy and cousin-marriage. In the meantime, French male immigrants of the sort who, before the Revolution, had allied with these established clans, now shunned these marriages.  相似文献   
99.
    
Between 1967 and 1978, over 17million urban youths in China systematically migrated to the rural countryside in a massive relocation movement known as the Sent-Down Movement. The youths who relocated—some by choice, though many forcibly—were part of a grand scheme envisioned by the then ruling Communist Party leader, Mao Zedong, who sought to reeducate urban youth by having them live and labor amongst their rural compatriots. Known as the “sent down youth”, these youths' experiences and struggles of moving to and returning from the countryside offer considerable insight into the ideological importance of family origins. Most notably, the revolutionary movement which swept over China at the height of the sent-down movement in the late 1960s reversed the hierarchical order of society; individuals with higher family origins were now criminalized making them prime targets for relocation to the countryside. In this quantitative analysis, I examine the relationship between family origins and the risk of departure to and return from the countryside for urban youth, using a unique longitudinal retrospective dataset, Life Histories and Social Change in Contemporary China. I analyze how this relationship plays out not only during the height of the movement, but throughout a more expansive time frame under which youths were reportedly sent-down (1957 to 1980). Through discrete-time survival analysis, I estimate that urban youths from higher family origins (rich peasant and landowner classes) experienced a greater risk for being sent-down versus their counterparts from lower family origins. Most interestingly, youths of higher family origins also experienced a lower risk for returning from the countryside; one interpretation of this finding is that even after spending time in the countryside in the pursuit of absolving themselves of their higher family origins, the stigma attached to their higher family origins persisted.  相似文献   
100.
    
Accounts of terrorism, which locate the emergence of the concept in the French Revolution, tend to accept two premises. First, they assume that the concept of terrorism names a particular form of violence. Second, they regard Robespierre as the first practitioner of terrorism, thus suggesting an understanding of the term as state violence. While this article substantiates the second premise by way of a discussion of the first systematic articulation of terrorism by Tallien in 1794, it problematises the first premise through an examination of archival evidence from the period between 1794 and 1797. By identifying a variety of conceptual uses of terrorism as a form of government, political philosophy and political identity, I argue for an expansion of the conceptual space within which terrorism is primarily understood as a form of violent action.  相似文献   
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