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201.
浅析俄罗斯的东北亚战略 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
随着冷战的结束和苏联的解体,国际经济和政治格局发生了巨大的变化,进入了一个新的调整时期。尤其是20世纪90年代以来,经济区域化和全球化的发展趋势加快,东北亚区域的合作也随之发展。东北亚地区曾是冷战的前沿地区,目前又因其聚集了大国经济发展的潜力,而成为当前世界经济发展的一个热点地区。在这一国际经济、政治势力角逐的舞台上,俄罗斯无疑扮演着十分重要的角色。近年来,俄罗斯非常重视与亚太地区特别是东北亚地区的联系,并为此制定了一系列较完整的地区性战略,正是以这一战略为基础,俄罗斯从政治、经济、军事等方面在东北亚地区展开了积极的攻势。 相似文献
202.
赵长茂 《中共云南省委党校学报》2002,3(1)
现代化作为一场深刻的社会变革,其核心是经济现代化;“生产力跨越式发展”是我国在本世纪中叶基本实现现代化的现实路径;经济结构调整、科教兴国和可持续发展,是保证现代化目标实现的三大基本经济战略。 相似文献
203.
陈小林 《中共天津市委党校学报》2002,38(2):54-58
为了更好地贯彻江泽民同志“七一”讲话提出的深化对共产党执政规律认识的思想,中国共产党应构建新世纪执政战略。新世纪执政战略包括探索执政规律的出发点,确立执政指导思想,明确执政具体目标,更新执政理念,提高执政能力,丰富执政资源,转变执政方式,攻克执政难题,纯洁执政细胞,造就执政保证,优化执政环境和实现执政使命等。 相似文献
204.
邓宇琼 《吉林公安高等专科学校学报》2004,(1):49-53
在经济犯罪中,犯罪嫌疑人的潜逃具有与传统刑事犯罪嫌疑人潜逃不同的一些特点,缉捕中应当针对经济犯罪嫌疑人及其身份都确定、犯罪嫌疑人及其身份都不确定两种情形,有针对地开展侦查缉捕工作。 相似文献
205.
俄罗斯推进与东北亚各国合作的具体措施 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
俄罗斯为了加快西伯利亚和远东地区的经济发展,制定了东部发展战略。同时也提出了一些加强与东北亚各国经济合作的具体措施:开发燃料动力资源;充分利用电力资源优势进行合作;完善运输通道;扩大进出口市场等。其目的是在扩大与东北亚各国的经济合作中,发展东部地区的经济,提高东部地区的经济实力。 相似文献
206.
首都社会治安整体防控战略以系统论、情报本质理论、行政管理理论为支撑,以精确指导为灵魂,以精确打击和严密防范为内容.该战略是新时期指导公安工作的纲领,是构建和谐社会理论在公安工作中的充分体现,是加强党的执政能力建设和强化社会治安防控体系建设的时代要求,是党中央提出的科学发展观的具体落实,能够确保实现首都社会治安的长期稳定. 相似文献
207.
Richard Baldwin Lynn Chenoweth Marie dela Rama 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2015,74(2):128-141
The residential aged care industry in Australia will expand rapidly over the next 10 years leading to substantial increases in government expenditure. Recent and future reforms are likely leading to changes in the structure of the industry with a potential impact on quality of care. The purpose of this paper is to stimulate broader public debate, based on the available evidence, about the preferred structure of this important industry. It examines the literature on the impact structure has on the quality of services and compares this with a fresh analysis of current trends. The paper argues that future policy should be evidence based and explicit about the structure of the industry that will emerge from current policy reforms. 相似文献
208.
This article examines how inequality among brothers was practised as a family strategy in Korean south-eastern rural society from the end of the seventeenth to the late eighteenth century as a response to local economic changes. The Wolchon area experienced a process of downward levelling in this period. Using the household registers and land registers, the authors reconstituted 58 families with brothers who held land and 406 families who possessed nobi (‘serfs’ or ‘slaves’) for further examination. As a family strategy, most of these families attempted a strategy of unequal inheritance that resulted in maintaining high economic status for only one of the children among all the brothers. This child, in most cases, would be the eldest son, but also could be another son. The degree of inequality among brothers with regard to nobi-holding declined over time. Most families successfully maintained inequality, and through this family status, by efficiently practising the unequal inheritance strategy, while some families failed to keep the same level of inequality by the end of the eighteenth century. The degree of inequality among brothers is intimately connected to family property size. Each family sought its own strategy to suit the actual economic condition of the family. While very wealthy families attempted to give a similar inheritance to all brothers to provide an equal chance to each of them, less wealthy families reduced the survival chances of some children by the concentration of property given to only one child. 相似文献
209.
Alexey Gromyko 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2015,15(2):141-149
In the past year, the Ukrainian crisis has generated an international discussion about a ‘new Cold War’. This article looks into the likelihood of such a scenario and makes suggestions of how it may be precluded. The course of events depends on whether the current model of globalization can be reversed. This would mean not only a change in the current structure of the global economy, but its dismantling. However, it is obvious that for most European and other states, the risks associated with such a policy outweigh potential geopolitical and economic benefits. The international order is in a state of flux. High risks are unacceptable when governments or nations pursue their interests in a stable environment. But when the balance of power shifts substantially, as it has now, the perception of risk threshold also begins to change. European history has shown that large-scale transformations in international relations in most cases triggered tension and violence, caused by rising demands of ascending powers and by resistance of those who were challenged. In the twenty-first century, the polycentric structure of the world provides an opportunity to achieve a new lasting global settlement, and to put an end to the current period of increasing tension. 相似文献
210.
Stephanie Lawson 《圆桌》2015,104(2):209-220
AbstractOf all the island states of the Southwest Pacific, Fiji’s foreign relations have been the most fraught since the advent of independence in the region, due largely to a succession of coups d'état. These have invariably precipitated adverse responses from major partners and aid donors, notably Australia, New Zealand, the United States and the European Union. The last coup in 2006 also unsettled relations in Fiji’s more immediate region, especially among some of its smaller Polynesian neighbours, contributing to Fiji’s unprecedented suspension from the Pacific Islands Forum. This article reviews Fiji’s foreign relations from the time of independence in 1970 through the period of successive coups to the 2014 elections. It also examines Bainimarama’s strategies in extending foreign relations in the broader international sphere as well as issues surrounding the ‘normalisation’ of relations with its traditional partners. 相似文献