“东突”恐怖势力活动的新动向及防范对策

2007年以来，“东突”恐怖势力针对北京奥运会进行了一系列的破坏活动，其组织结构愈加紧密、袭击目标更具针对性，犯罪手段多样并更具暴力性、残忍性，其破坏活动已呈现出逐步升级的态势，第六次作案浪潮已初现端倪。根据“东突”恐怖势力破坏的新动向、新特点。应及时调整斗争策略。加强多边、双边国际反恐合作，严密防范。严厉打击暴力恐怖活动；加强各级各类实战模拟演练，建立全面协作机制。提高重大活动的反恐处突能力和整体作战效能，为我重大国际活动提供安全保障。     

Waiting for the wolf to bite: Civil society's view of the new World Bank presidency

The European Union Training Mission (EUTM) in Somalia, the EU’s mission to contribute to the training of the Somali Security Forces, was deployed in April 2010 and extended for another 12-month period in July 2011. Despite the positive assessment of the outcome of the first training period, the overall feebleness of Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government puts the political feasibility of the mission into question. EUTM Somalia can be subjected to many of the same criticisms as the liberal peacebuilding agenda in general for trying to contain rather than resolve conflict and maintaining a top-down perspective which ignores organic, indigenous local structures.     

Why do anti‐corruption laws fail in Central Eastern Europe? A target compliance perspective

The Central Eastern European member states of the European Union have introduced a host of anti‐corruption measures in the past two decades, yet corruption is still prevalent. Rather than asking what is wrong with the letter of the law, which has traditionally been the focus of analysis, this article identifies some of the reasons why those whose behavior the law seeks to change fail to act as expected. Drawing on theoretical insights from implementation studies and using Hungary as an illustrative example, the article finds that both incentives and normative judgments are skewed towards non‐compliance with anti‐bribery laws. The main policy implications are that anti‐corruption interventions should pay more attention to raising awareness among target groups, take existing social norms into account, and rely on positive incentives as well as, or rather than, increasing penalties.     

Welfare reforms and socio-economic trends in the 10 new EU member states of Central and Eastern Europe

The paper reviews recent socio-economic changes in the 10 new EU member states of Central and Eastern Europe and the earlier and latest debates on the emergence of the post-communist welfare state regime. It asks two questions: are the new EU member states more similar to each other in their social problems encountered than to the rest of the EU world? Do they exhibit enough common socio-economic and institutional features to group them into the distinct/unified post-communist welfare regime that deviates from any well-known welfare state typology?The findings of this paper indicate that despite some slight variation within, the new EU countries exhibit lower indicators compared to the EU-15 as it comes to the minimum wage and social protection expenditure. The degree of material deprivation and the shadow economy is on average also higher if compared to the EU-15 or the EU-27. However, then it comes to at-risk-of-poverty rate after social transfers or Gini index, some Eastern European outliers especially the Check Republic, but also Slovenia, Slovakia and Hungary perform the same or even better than the old capitalist democracies. Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Romania, Bulgaria, Poland, however, show many similarities in their social indicators and performances and this group of countries never perform better than the EU-15 or the EU-27 averages. Nevertheless, the literature reviews on welfare state development in the CEE region reveal a number of important institutional features in support of identifying the distinct/unified post-communist welfare regime. Most resilient of it are: an insurance-based programs that played a major part in the social protection system; high take-up of social security; relatively low social security benefits; increasing signs of liberalization of social policy; and the experience of the Soviet/Communist type of welfare state, which implies still deeply embedded signs of solidarity and universalism.     

论斯大林在东欧推行的联合政府政策(1944—1948)

第二次世界大战结束前后,为维护通过战争获取的胜利果实,斯大林奉行大国合作战略。在围绕被解放欧洲国家未来命运问题的一系列国际会议上,斯大林以许诺"自由选举"换取了英美对苏联提出的"联合政府"建议的赞同。反法西斯大国合作是联合政府体制存在外部条件,在当时的历史条件下,斯大林把人民民主制度看成是长期的当时还未用尽其积极潜力的模式。     

Morphologic analysis of third-molar mineralization for eastern Turkish children and youth

To date, there has been no chronological age estimation according to third-molar mineralization in eastern Turkish children and adolescents. The aim of this study was to analyze the development of the mandibular third molar and its relationship to chronological age in subjects aged 7-22 years according to Demirjian's stages. The final sample consisted of 1348 [622 males (mean age, 12.72 ± 3.14) and 726 females (mean age, 12.92 ± 2.89)] conventional orthopantomograms from eastern Turkish youths. An independent t-test was performed to evaluate the difference between sexes. Regression analysis was performed to obtain regression formulae for dental age calculation with chronological age. In males, there was a difference between males and females only at stage C (p = 0.03); females were advanced 0.37 years compared with males at the stage C. Third-molar development among eastern Turkish children and youths occurs at a more advanced age than other populations for almost all stages.     

‘Two children to make ends meet’: the ideal family size,parental responsibilities and costs of children on two sides of the Iron Curtain during the post-war fertility decline

One of the major corollaries of the post-war fertility boom and decline is that two-child families became common across Europe after the 1970s. Despite the general agreement on the convergence of fertility trends, there is still little understanding of how this change took place in a comparative perspective of Western and Eastern Europe, which at that time were characterised by Cold War tensions of different ideological regimes. This study addresses this aspect by focusing on individual decisions around childbearing, child-rearing and family size. Based on 104 oral histories from Switzerland and Ukraine, this study illuminates that the urban setting provided parents with a similar set of constraints and opportunities, which eventually resulted in strikingly similar perceptions of the costs of childrearing on two sides of the Iron Curtain. Individuals’ motives to postpone first birth in Switzerland and second birth in Ukraine rested on a similar aspiration to invest in the well-being of children by ensuring material security for the family. This aim was increasingly achieved through female labour-force participation and adoption of modern contraception – the pill in Switzerland and abortion in Ukraine. While the timing of returning to the labour market and the share of women working after entering parenthood might have varied across the two contexts, a good mother became increasingly defined in both contexts in terms of providing emotionally and financially for her children. Although the introduction of modern birth control methods allowed couples to plan family size more carefully, it also made Swiss and Ukrainian women increasingly carry the major costs and actual burden of birth control. Altogether, this study challenges the common assumption around the persistence of strikingly different demographic realities in post-war Western and Eastern Europe by uncovering the mechanisms behind the stabilisation of family size around the two-child family ideal.     

易学与东汉后期的社会批判思想

<周易>及易学的启示和影响,始终贯穿于中国思想文化的发展历程.东汉后期,社会政治黑暗,社会矛盾尖锐.为了解决社会危机,挽救东汉政权,王符、仲长统、荀悦等人借助易学阐发了一系列社会批判思想.这些思想更多地摆脱了象数易学的束缚,在义理解<易>的道路上更进一步,并促使易学最终向玄学转型,成为东汉后期易学发展的一支重要力量.     

Criminal Justice Policy Transfer To Post-Soviet States: Two Case Studies Of Police Reform In Russia And Ukraine

The aim of this article is to review the impact of two British research projects on the policies and practices of local police forces in two former Soviet states: Russia and Ukraine. Using a case study approach, the article explores the ways in which the political, cultural and ideological context within which the police operate, and reform is being attempted, shape attitudes towards reform amongst the police and the public, and the outcomes achieved. The article draws upon an evaluation of the impact of two independent 3-year applied research projects, which aimed to investigate specific crime and policing issues in Russia and Ukraine, implement pilot projects and evaluate their impact in order to make recommendations for more general criminal justice policy reform. The overall results of the projects suggest that, despite significant interest in the concept of police reform and the adoption of western concepts, particularly at the local level, significant barriers to large-scale policy transfer persist, many of which are largely beyond the influence of local practitioners and western reformers.