俄乌克里米亚争端及其原因浅析

1954年,为纪念乌克兰与俄罗斯合并300周年,苏联最高苏维埃主席团决定将克里米亚作为“礼物”赠送给乌克兰,以示俄乌之间的亲密关系。但这一决定,却为后来双方的争吵埋下了祸根。苏联解体后,克里米亚争端伴随着俄乌之间一系列冲突的发生很快浮出水面,成为90年代初困扰俄乌关系发展的一大障碍。经过多回合的较量、妥协与各种力量的分化组合,克里米亚争端在1997年基本得到了解决,也给我们留下了一些值得思考的问题和启示。     

俄国现代化艰难启动的文化因素探析

从彼得一世改革到1861年的废除农奴制改革,俄国的现代化努力足足用了一个半世纪的时间。俄国现代化的艰难启动有其深刻的文化因素;非东非西的文化特征使俄国历史上的任何改革往往陷入一种困难的境地;东正教伦理是专制王权强有力的精神支柱,其中缺少利于资本主义发展的因素;村社传统抑制了个人主义、自由主义因素和竞争意识的增长;现代化努力过程中的社会政治思想是滞后的,脱离社会现实的。     

Organized transnational crime in the Black Sea Region: a geopolitical dilemma?

States are unique and individual entities. However, geographic proximity, a common history and fate may cause existential threats to have common causes and solutions. To understand how, and why, states experience transnational organized crime as a national security threat differently, it is necessary to learn about the states and the culture of organized crime in the geographic region in which they are embedded. The objective here is to present the Post-Soviet Political Criminal Nexus as a part of the identity of Newly Independent States in the Black Sea Region (Azerbaijan, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine) which poses an international security threat and impedes democratic development.

张燮《霏云居续集》涉台史料钩沉

台湾早期历史资料向来十分缺乏,挖掘有价值史料成为一大课题。经过笔者不懈努力,《东西洋考》作者张燮疑为轶失的文集《霏云居续集》近期浮出水面,其中有关台湾及两岸关系的资料,揭示了早期中国官方对台湾本岛的经营和有效管理,而赤勘(即赤嵌)地名的首次出现,亦颇值得关注。     

日本参与东亚国际分工战略目标、形式的调整与影响

日本作为东亚地区唯一完成工业化现代化的国家 ,在东亚的经济发展与既有东亚国际分工体系中 ,扮演着十分重要的角色。但是 ,日本所倡导的东亚“雁行模式”国际分工 ,是一把“双刃剑” ,对日本来说已在长期发展中显露了双重效果 ,90年代以后 ,其负效果日益突出起来 ,这不仅对日本经济发展不利 ,更重要的是影响了东亚国际分工的发展 ,因此 ,调整参与东亚国际分工的形式与目标 ,建立双向开放的国际化经济 ,就成为日本参与东亚国际分工的新课题。     

Differenzierte Mitgliedschaft und die EU‐Osterweiterung: Das Beispiel der Arbeitnehmerfreizügigkeit

Die Arbeit untersucht die Auswirkungen der Vergabe eingeschränkter Mitgliedschaftsrechte auf den Verlauf und die Ergebnisse der EU‐Osterweiterung. Die Studie zeigt auf, dass die EU‐Mitgliedstaaten Übergangsfristen für die Liberalisierung der Arbeitsmärkte durchsetzten, um die zu erwartenden Erweiterungsgewinne zugunsten der, von der Freizügigkeit negativ betroffenen Altmitglieder ‐ Deutschland, Österreich und Italien ‐ umzuverteilen und so ein Scheitern der Aufnahmeverhandlungen zu verhindern. Die Diskussionen der EU‐Mitglieder über die Einführung einer eingeschränkten Arbeitnehmerfreizügigkeit für die Neumitglieder und ein Überblick über andere Verhandlungskapitel legen nahe, dass die Verteilung differenzierter Mitgliedschaftsrechte an neue Mitglieder eine bedeutsame Handlungsalternative insbesondere zur Nichtmitgliedschaft darstellt.     

Security relations in the Black Sea region: Russia and the West after the Ukrainian crisis

The Ukrainian conflict – as all post-Soviet conflicts – has three interrelated dimensions – global, regional and local – with deep implications for international security including the Black Sea region. The strategic interdependence between Russiaand West during the last decade became not only anaemic but antagonistic. The regional implications of that can be compared to the boomerang effect: problems at the strategic level affect the regional level and return to the originators. Generally speaking, Commonwealth of Independent States conflicts can be viewed as the product of the Soviet legacy and the patchy collapse of the USSR as well as the ill-conceived policies and mistakes of the involved parties, Russia and external actors – USA, NATO and EU.     

Abortion and gender relationships in Ukraine, 1955–1970

This article examines the sociocultural conditions underpinning the so-called ‘abortion culture’ in Soviet Ukraine. Unlike previous studies on abortion in the Soviet Union which have primarily used country-level data, this study employs original sources – in-depth biographical interviews and archival materials – to investigate local conditions and the manner in which decisions regarding abortion were made. The author studied couples whose reproductive years comprise the period from 1955 to 1970, when modern contraceptives were not readily available but abortion was legal. Two localities in Ukraine – the cities of Lviv and Kharkiv – are included in the investigation. The findings suggest that local patriarchal gender regimes and their associated spousal dynamics defined when and how women exercised their agency in birth control and abortion decisions. In couples where spouses communicated about birth control and abortion decisions, the women sought less abortions. These women did not feel a need to exercise their agency, as the husband took over both responsibilities. When abortion was practised as a routine family-size-limitation method, spouses did not communicate about birth control and abortion, and the two were practised solely as a husband's and wife's responsibility, respectively. These women sought abortions to fulfil their own goals and, at the same time, to maintain the dominant patriarchal order in marital relationships as they understood it. Additionally, peer networks seemed to be the crucial element reinforcing women's agency in these processes.     

Partisan Development in Post-Soviet Ukraine

ABSTRACT

The development of mass partisanship and party identification in post-Soviet societies is a controversial subject of scholarly research. One prevalent view argues that post-Soviet citizens are distrustful of parties and that it will take generations for party identification to appear in these societies. Others argue that partisanship is emerging as a result of citizens perceiving meaningful differences between the parties. If party identification is forming, partisanship should be relatively stable across time at the individual level. This study takes a rare look at 1999 panel data from Ukraine to determine the degree of partisan stability. The findings demonstrate that meaningful party identification appears to be emerging for a significant proportion of the population due to political information and this partisanship is influencing election decision making among Ukrainian voters.     

Intentional disruptions and violence in Ukraine's Supreme Rada: political competition,order, and disorder in a post-Soviet chamber, 2006–2012

This paper focuses on diverse forms of parliamentary violence (blocking the orators' platform and the chairman's podium, destruction of equipment, and violent brawls) during 2006–2012 in the Ukrainian parliament, and analyzes them as a repertoire of habitual parliamentary actions. The paper attributes these violent incidents to two external factors. First, they must be understood in the context of the general de-pacification of relations among principal political actors in Ukraine as well as exacerbation of political and ideological tensions among those actors. Second, the emergence of more violent episodes in the Rada, breaking with a more routine modus operandi of disruptions, has its origin in the earlier, prepolitical careers of certain members of parliament and their propensity to bring into politics particular dispositions (i.e., propensity to use violence) acquired in those previous professional experiences.