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951.
While analyses of time have never strayed too far away from those of social justice, and vice versa, this article's premise is that they have so far failed to converge as directly and coherently as they might. The aim of this article is to facilitate a greater degree of convergence by working within a framework of liberal equality and establishing similarities in the work of the two theorists who have gone furthest in bringing the various debates together. These are Robert Goodin and André Gorz, and the article explores the respective strengths and weaknesses of their ideas. A liberal theory of socio-temporal justice is derived from their work and is then used to critique some recent developments in UK welfare reform.  相似文献   
952.
This study investigates retrospective voting and issue voting, and their change over time in a transitioning country. Sociotropic, as well as egocentric economic evaluations, and policy issues of parties are expected to play an increasing role in party preferences of citizens over time. Data consist of 41 Hungarian cross-sectional surveys, between 1998 and 2008. Results of conditional logistic regression models reveal that voters reward incumbent parties when they see improvements in their personal or the national economic situation, and punish them if the economy deteriorates. Distance from a given party on the left–right scale also decreases the chance of voting for that party. Voting behavior is changing during transition. The evaluations of the national economy and personal situation have an increasing impact on party preferences over time. We found educational heterogeneity in the extent of economic voting.  相似文献   
953.
This study advances and tests hypotheses about the effects of migrants' remittances on political behavior. Analyzing new survey data from Mexico, I find that despite being very poor, respondents who receive remittances tend to view their income as more stable than neighbors who do not receive this money. As a result, remittance recipients have relatively fewer economic grievances and tend to feel more optimistic about economic matters than neighbors who do not receive remittances. According to the economic voter thesis, citizens who are more satisfied with the economy are also less likely to pressure and oppose politicians, particularly incumbents. Analyses indicate that respondents in this sample who receive remittances are indeed less likely to lobby local officials for economic assistance. They were also less likely to mobilize against and punish the incumbent party in the 2006 Mexican presidential election.  相似文献   
954.
Hugo Chávez has attracted considerable political support since his emergence on the Venezuela political scene. But what are the bases of this support? More specifically, is economic voting a significant component of his support? Through investigation of the 2010 LAPOP Barometer data, we estimate the various components of a Chávez vote model. In a series of logistic regression analyses, the weight of sets of explanatory variables is assessed, as well as the weight of the overall model. In particular, the role of the economy is carefully explored. First, is Chávez held accountable for the economy? Second, does his personal leadership image dominate his economic policy image? We find evidence of a significant economic voting component in popular support for Chávez, although several other explanatory variables also exert a substantial impact on it.  相似文献   
955.
Abstract

This essay re-examines the debate over the relationship between economic crises and welfare system changes and the role of domestic political factors which may refract the wave of influence from economic crisis. While acknowledging the inherent weakness of research design in a single case study, this study cautiously contends that an examination of the Korean case reveals that domestic factors continue to play an important role in welfare policy-making, even when decisive global economic forces are at work. Theoretically, this study argues not only for the continued theoretical relevance of the state-centered theory, but also in favor of a more integrated and configurational approach.  相似文献   
956.
《West European politics》2013,36(4):119-142
This article considers the political activity of economic actors in what we refer to as 'overlap issues'. The cases examined here are the domestic level privatisation policy-making processes in Spain, France and Ireland, and the subsequent European Commission decisions on state aids given during the sales. Although the influence of economic actors is crucial in understanding the domestic-level privatisation aid negotiations, such actors' participation is absent in the supranational decision-making process. In order to explain this limited political activity of firms at the EU level, attention is focused on both the role of the member states and the paradoxes in EU policies that simultaneously guide and constrain the Commission from making a decision against capital.  相似文献   
957.
泰国政治权力结构调整的动力、路径与困境   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
基于对政治利益集团权力斗争的分析,本文认为,近年来泰国政局持续动荡的根源在于政治权力结构调整所面临的转型困境。20世纪90年代以来,泰国在全球化外部风险与国内城乡发展失衡的双重压力下,形成对国家发展道路的重新选择要求。经济利益结构的改革压力,形成对"碎片化"政治权力结构的调整动力。1997年东亚金融危机爆发,成为推动泰国政治权力结构调整的契机。既得利益集团倾向于保留"碎片化"格局的改良方案,但代表新资本集团的他信派系倾向于政治改革,要求建构由其主导的"层级式"政治权力结构。他信派系得益于新资本集团与农民群体的政治联合,在"政治权力结构—经济利益结构"大循环调整过程中占据优势;既得利益集团得益于国王权威的支持,在"政治权力结构—政治文化传统"小循环调整过程中掌握主动。双方在政治权力结构的调整过程中相互制衡,从而使得泰国的政治秩序迟迟未能重建。  相似文献   
958.
文化越来越成为一个民族或地区凝聚力和创造力的重要源泉,文化传播更加便捷,文化对其他领域的渗透力、影响力就越强。广西北部湾经济区的文化传播仍处于初步发展阶段,存在文化传播意识淡薄、传播手段单一、传播效果欠佳等问题。因此,探讨各种有效传播途径来提升文化传播力,扩大文化影响力,对北部湾经济区的全面发展有着极其重要的意义。  相似文献   
959.
美国电影在全球极具竞争力,在赚取美元、增加就业岗位的同时,带动了美国文化的出口。美国电影的海外票房也在不断地刷新着记录。美国电影出口的主体以好莱坞六大巨头为主,出口重点区域主要包括英国、法国、西班牙、中国、日本、韩国等地。美国出口的电影产品类型众多,但主要以动作、科幻、悬疑、冒险片为主,这些类型的影片代表着美国影片的大制作、高成本,并且需要大量的特技制作。同时,随着3D技术的发展,3D影片正在成为海外市场的新宠。  相似文献   
960.
2007年广西北部湾经济区上升为国家战略,北部湾经济风生水起发展迅速。一个地区的经济发展规模与水平,往往决定该地区的人才需求结构、总量和发展趋势。在此背景下本文提出了广西高校为适应广西北部湾经济区发展的人才培养改革思考:以高等教育地方化为主线,确立办学指导思想;以满足社会需求为导向,设计人才培养目标;以区域性经济发展为基点,调整学科专业结构;以学科交融为理念,促进专业教育与人文教育的融合;以培养学生创新能力为核心,强化实践教学;以服务广西北部湾经济区为导向,构建国际化与外向型人才培养模式。  相似文献   
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