浅谈广西电视媒体与东盟各国的交流与合作

本文阐述了作为文化产业重要组成部分的电视媒体,特别是广西的电视媒体,如何充分利用在中国—东盟自由贸易区的独特区位优势和中国—东盟博览会永久落户广西南宁的重要机遇,发挥区位优势,加强广西与东盟各国文化的交流与合作,通过开展文化贸易实现互利共赢。     

欧盟亚太外交中的朝鲜半岛政策

1991年12月9日《欧洲联盟条约》签署后,欧洲联盟国家在追求经济一体化的同时,也在追求政治一体化,即欧洲联盟国家应以国家联盟共同体的方式,用一种声音说话。由于欧盟成员国间政治经济发展的不平衡以及在对外关系中的各自特点和差异,欧盟在对外政策上要完全用一个声音说话,还需要一个较为漫长的过程,也会受到成员国各种因素的制约。欧盟对朝鲜半岛政策从奉行接触到积极介入以及其中的起伏变化,多少能够看出欧盟在对外政策方面的相对模糊与迟缓。     

关于强化大连在环渤海经济圈融合中的竞争地位论证

国家已经做出了环渤海经济圈整体开发的战略部署,并且在落实进程中逐步成长为中国第三大经济增长极.而着眼于环渤海经济圈整体开发的现实进程,以大连为核心城市的辽宁沿海经济带,与京津冀沿海经济带、山东半岛沿海经济带相比,却处于相对的弱势地位.在辽宁沿海经济带开发上升为国家战略之际,大连必须带头改变这种弱势地位,强化和提升在环渤海经济圈融合中的竞争实力与竞争地位.为此,需要认证大连强化在环渤海经济圈融合中竞争地位的时代背景,分析大连强化在环渤海经济圈融合中竞争地位的综合因素,明确大连强化在环渤海经济圈融合中竞争地位的利益取向,创意大连强化在环渤海经济圈融合中竞争地位的推进对策:打破传统行政界线,提高区域合作意识;积极改善投资环境,强化城市服务功能;抓紧实施品牌战略,注重打造城市品牌;准确进行港口定位,促成联动发展格局;大力调整产业结构,增强综合经济实力;坚决克服地区封锁,造就市场利益关系;构建区域商贸体系,推动区域共同发展.大连只有这样做,才能切实为邓小平确立的"东北之窗"使命和创建东北亚重要国际航运中心的国家战略做出循名贲实的努力.     

Who’s afraid of an EU tax and why?—revenue system preferences in the European Parliament

The current revenue system of the EU is still structured like that of an organization based on intergovernmental cooperation, although the EU is already far advanced in legislative and political integration. This antagonism gives reason to discuss whether or not the EU should be granted an autonomous tax source. Our contribution to this debate explores the factors which shape the acceptance of the EU tax option among European policy makers. A self-conducted survey among Members of the European Parliament (MEPs), which resulted in a response of some 150 of the representatives, offers us a unique database. Concerning MEPs’ revenue system preferences, our findings confirm an important impact of party ideology and individual characteristics while they indicate that country-specific factors also contribute to understand the attitudes towards an EU tax. In the light of our findings the status quo bias in the revenue system of the EU can be attributed to the persistent importance of national interests with respect to tax policy.

Brexit and Strand Three of the 1998 Agreement: The Three Faces of East-West

Under Strand Three of the 1998 Belfast ‘Good Friday’ Agreement, institutions were set up to promote the ‘harmonious and mutually beneficial development’ of the ‘totality of relationships’ between the peoples and governments of Ireland and the UK, including its devolved administrations and Crown Dependencies. According to the text of the 1998 Agreement this ‘east-west’ dimension was to have two elements with corresponding institutions: an intergovernmental one reflected in the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference (BIIC) and an interjurisdictional one reflected in the British-Irish Council (BIC). These Strand Three institutions were designed to provide fora for, respectively, intergovernmental cooperation on ‘non-devolved Northern Ireland matters’ in the case of the BIIC and information exchange and cooperation ‘on matters of mutual interest within the competence of the relevant Administrations’ in the case of the BIC. Nowhere in the 1998 Agreement text is the concept of ‘east-west’ used to refer to relations between Northern Ireland and Great Britain. Yet, in the wake of Brexit, and in the midst of controversy over the implications of the Protocol on Ireland / Northern Ireland, relations between Great Britain and Northern Ireland (GB–NI) have been newly framed as ‘east-west’. The creation of this new discursive face of ‘east-west’ relations marks an important, but little discussed, impact of Brexit on the political and constitutional landscape of the UK and Ireland. Against this backdrop, this article considers the impacts of Brexit, and the Protocol, on three faces of ‘east-west’ relations—the BIIC, the BIC and, newly, GB–NI—and discusses their implications for the future of Strand 3 institutions and the ‘totality of relationships’ they represent.     

The embedded flexibility of Nordic labor market models under pressure from EU-induced dualization—The case of posted work in Denmark and Sweden

While many coordinated market economies have responded to internationalization by regulation that creates dualization between insiders and outsiders, the Nordic countries have opted for an embedded flexibilization in which strong unions and cooperative employers have combined flexibility and equality. However, in recent years, the Nordic countries have come under pressure from an EU-induced dualization that has institutionalized mobile low-wage workers as an outside group. This article presents case studies of how Denmark and Sweden have responded to these challenges. While political processes have been different in the two countries, pressure from EU regulation and changes in employers' incentive to compromise implies that there is now a specific category of low-wage workers in both countries' otherwise egalitarian labor markets. The article, thus, contributes to the literature on dualization by highlighting the pressure coming from EU regulation rather than national policy.     

印度一欧盟贸易关系发展现状及其发展态势

欧盟作为世界上最大的经济体,为印度的经济发展提供了广阔的市场及发展空间,印度很重视发展与欧盟的关系,尤其是经济关系;而印度作为一个发展潜力极大的发展中国家,自然资源、人力资源极为丰富,欧盟同样需要进一步加强与印度的贸易关系。目前双方的贸易关系进展平稳,但也存在不可避免的挑战,特别是欧盟东扩后,双边贸易关系的前景面临着更多的变数。     

图们江地区内域经济关系的量化分析

根据图们江地区内域经济关系的量化指标,该地区各国为互助型内域经济关系。因此,在建立图们江地区绿色食品基地这一决策上,应以延吉为龙头,协手该区域各县市依次产生互补,准确定位、合理分工,为与朝俄等邻国形成绿色食品生产基地链做好准备。