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191.
192.
Ulrike Liebert 《Feminist Legal Studies》2002,10(3-4):241-256
What are the conditions for empowering `gender mainstreaming' as a new policy frame beyond the supranational level in member
states and regions of the European Union? This paper is premised on the following assumptions: that mainstreaming will reduce
gender disparities in Europe only if it takes root at all levels of decision-making, but that some national gender regimes
can be expected to resist mainstreaming more than others, especially because it does not command `hard' legal tools. The puzzle
to be examined is how mainstreaming can become effective across the European multilevel polity. It is argued that vis-à-visthe resistance of domestic gender regimes, the Europeanisation of equal treatment norms in national, regional and local contexts
over the past decades has generated a variety of mechanisms for the cross-border diffusion of new policy ideas that can help
to promote mainstreaming. Drawing on comparative Europeanisation research, this argument is developed in three steps. First,
the past performance of member states in the implementation of E.U. gender directives is explored, to identify patterns and
dynamics and classify leaders and laggards. Second, current mainstreaming experiences in one of the most conspicuous laggard
states – Germany – are examined closely. Finally, as a means of explaining the rather intense engagement of German federal
and regional governments with mainstreaming, two factors are highlighted: elite learning, and new governance instruments developed
by the E.U. Notwithstanding the steps taken to promote mainstreaming, the prospects for further institutionalization within
the E.U. appear contingent on the outcome of the Convention on the Future of the Union and the Intergovernmental Conference
planned for 2004, since the invigorating of the subsidiarity principle and the division of competences across the multilevel
polity are key issues of debate.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
193.
张建 《安徽警官职业学院学报》2015,(5):10-13
伴随欧洲一体化进程的深入,欧盟内部人员的跨国流动和社会家庭秩序的正常运转,要求成员国彼此间在涉外婚姻家庭冲突法领域实现统一化。以欧盟婚姻事项冲突法立法演变为出发点,以《罗马条例Ⅲ》的法律规定为中心,笔者着重探究将意思自治原则引入涉外婚姻家庭法律适用的合理性;并在现行规定的基础上反观惯常居所地这一连结因素的折衷性,试图思考理论层面可能浮出的疑难及其解决路径。 相似文献
194.
This article analyses how the characteristics of recipient countries shape individual support for international redistribution in Europe. Whilst a growing body of research has looked into the determinants of support for international redistribution, we argue that individuals may not be willing to redistribute in equal measure to any foreign country. We use data from a survey asking respondents in 14 European countries whether they think their governments should provide financial help to 35 [European Union (EU) and non-EU] foreign countries in the event of a major crisis. We show that individuals are more likely to support helping foreign countries that speak the same language, are geographically close, have deeper trade links, are poorer than their own and are also EU members. Individuals who are more sceptical towards international redistribution are more likely to discriminate amongst foreign countries in their support for redistribution across borders. 相似文献
195.
Whereas most studies on the European Union's (EU) responses to the rule of law crisis stress the underenforcement of EU law, this article offers a different perspective. Focusing on the long-term dynamics concerning rule of law protection, we detect a gradual trend towards supranationalism. The Rule of Law Conditionality mechanism adopted in 2020 is the first instance of ‘effective supranationalism’, that is, a rule of law tool that combines supranational decision-making procedures with binding and enforceable consequences. To explain this development in an area that has been marked by considerable resistance to efforts to strengthen supranational oversight, we draw on the agent-centric historical institutionalist approach. Our qualitative study shows that supranationalisation has become possible through two interrelated factors: the joint strategies of community bodies, which have promoted competence transfer to the EU level, and the increasing marginalisation of sovereigntist positions within the Council, given the escalating conflicts with Hungary and Poland. 相似文献
196.
Özge Zihnioğlu 《Third world quarterly》2019,40(3):503-520
Despite growing critical literature on external funding, the link between EU funding to Turkish civil society organisations (CSOs) and their depoliticisation remains understudied. This article fills this gap. This article explores EU funds in Turkey and shows the incentives it creates for a depoliticised civil society. Drawing on an original set of interviews with 45 CSOs, this article analyses how Turkish CSOs interact with EU funding and how this support impacts on Turkish civil society. This article argues that EU funding’s short-term, activity-based, measurable outcome and visibility-oriented structure contributed to the depoliticisation of those CSOs benefited from EU funds. 相似文献
197.
The recent economic shocks have severely tested the EU's political sustainability. The deep‐rooted and unending succession of existential crises demonstrates the sharp misalignment between the high degree of integration reached by the EU, its authority structure, and the absence of solidarity to sustain this structure. The contribution unfolds as follows: first, we claim that the Union has become a complex adaptive system and that attempts to restore the status quo ante are unrealistic. Section II shows that its authority structure is ill‐suited to steering the complex system because it lacks adequate instruments for addressing common risks and democratic externalities. Section III argues that contemporary EU leaders are failing to promote the principles of solidarity which, according to its founding father are required to disarm centrifugal tendencies. Section IV presents empirical evidence which signals the existence of considerable popular support for these pan‐European forms of solidarity. 相似文献
198.
R.J.G. Claassen 《Journal of common market studies》2019,57(1):44-59
This contribution asks how to approach the question of whether the European Union should – replacing or supplementing member states – also be a locus of social justice‐based duties to provide welfare state services. The contribution scrutinizes two important theories of global justice (cosmopolitan and relational theories) and finds that their normative assumptions hinder them from adequately addressing this question. A new theory is proposed, inspired by Immanuel Kant's political philosophy. The core idea is that social justice requires public authorities to protect citizens against private forms of coercion; and that the level (national, European, global) at which such authority needs to be exercised depends on which arrangement best protects citizens' rights to independence. The paper outlines several duties of global justice to give specificity to this general principle, and then applies them to the case of integrating European welfare states. 相似文献
199.
Philippe van Gruisen 《Journal of common market studies》2019,57(4):692-709
Does the trio presidency system enhance efficiency in EU legislative decision‐making? Since 2007, fixed groups of three Member States have been required to set a joint 18‐month agenda, with each Member State taking 6‐month turns at the presidency. To date, however, there has been no empirical evidence that either confirms or refutes the notion that this system is efficient. In a study of the duration of Council decision‐making on 1,927 legislative proposals for the 2000–12 period, we obtain empirical support for the hypothesis that a common agenda leads to a significant decrease in the amount of time needed to reach a first agreement on regulations, directives and decisions. In addition, we show that the requirement to pre‐negotiate the agenda helps to moderate the effect of political conflict on the speed of decision‐making, thereby offering support to the recent decision to proceed with the trio presidency system until at least 2030. 相似文献
200.
In this article, we focus on generational differences in women's representation and hypothesize that younger generations of women should be more highly represented than older generations, both in general and within the same parliament. We tested this hypothesis with data on all members who have ever served in the European Parliament since 1979. Of the four generations who have ever served in Brussels and Strasbourg – the World War II generation, the 1968 generation, the post‐1968 generation and the post‐materialist generation – we found both that women's representation increased with every generation and that their representation differs between generations within the same parliament. Finally, our results indicate that while these processes occurred roughly one generation later in eastern and southern Europe, yet, they happened faster in these parts of the European Union. 相似文献